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When Schools Teach Children to Dislike Boys
How healthy male traits get recoded as disruption—and how teachers may help turn classmates against playful boys
March 27, 2026
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When Schools Teach Children to Dislike Boys

How healthy male traits get recoded as disruption—and how teachers may help turn classmates against playful boys

There is a painful possibility that few people want to consider.

What if many boys are not failing school?

What if school is failing boys?

Not because boys cannot learn. Not because boys are less capable. Not because boys are defective.

But because many of the traits most natural to boys are now viewed through a lens of suspicion.

Energy becomes hyperactivity.
Rough play becomes aggression.
Humor becomes immaturity.
Nonconformity becomes pathology.
Spontaneity becomes disruption.

In other words, healthy boyhood is increasingly being interpreted as a problem.

And once that happens, boys do not simply get corrected more often. They get socially downgraded. Their standing falls. Their confidence falls. Their sense of belonging falls. And, as some research suggests, adults may even help teach other children to see them negatively.

That is a very serious matter.


The deeper issue is not just schools. It is culture.

Schools do not invent these attitudes out of thin air. They reflect the broader culture. And for many years now, masculinity itself has been treated as suspect.

Male energy is often spoken of as dangerous.
Male aggression is discussed as if it has no healthy form.
Male spaces have steadily disappeared or been delegitimized.
Fatherhood has been culturally minimized.
Normal male assertiveness is frequently recast as toxicity.

When a culture repeatedly sends the message that masculinity is something to fear, schools absorb that message too.

So when boys show up as boys—active, physical, funny, impulsive, competitive, loud, resistant to passivity—they are not always seen as healthy male children in need of guidance.

Too often, they are seen as little problems to be managed.


Boys are often at a disadvantage before the lesson even begins

The research here is striking.

A broad review of teacher-student relationship studies found that teachers report more conflict with boys than with girls, and that female teachers report less closeness with boys than with girls. That means many boys are entering school environments in which they are more likely to experience friction and less likely to experience warmth. (pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov)

Another study looking at kindergarten and first grade found that girls experienced more teacher closeness than boys across both school years, while boys with disruptive behavior tended to experience more conflict with teachers than comparable girls. (sciencedirect.com)

That should have set off alarm bells.

Imagine the public reaction if the research had shown that teachers consistently felt closer to boys and more distant from girls. There would have been outrage. But when boys are the ones receiving less closeness and more conflict, the culture mostly shrugs.


The traits many teachers prefer do not sound much like boys

One older but revealing line of research found that teachers tended to prefer students who were described as rigid, conforming, orderly, dependent, passive, and acquiescent. (https://www.jstor.org/stable/20151346)

That list is worth pausing over.

Rigid.
Conforming.
Orderly.
Dependent.
Passive.
Acquiescent.

That is not a portrait of lively development. It is a portrait of easy classroom management.

And it does not sound much like the average healthy boy.

Many boys are more physically restless, more impulsive, more rough-and-tumble, less naturally compliant, and more likely to regulate themselves through movement and action. That does not make them broken. It makes them boys. But if the school environment quietly rewards passivity above vitality, then many boys will end up being treated as if their very nature is inconvenient.


The playful boys study should have changed this conversation

One of the most revealing studies on this issue looked at children identified as especially playful.

These children were not mean, antisocial, or emotionally disturbed. They were marked by five very positive qualities: physical spontaneity, social fluidity, cognitive spontaneity, manifest joy, and a sense of humor. In plain language, they were energetic, socially fluid, imaginative, enthusiastic kids who enjoyed laughing and could take a joke. (frontiersin.org)

And here is what makes the findings so important: other children generally liked these playful kids. They were seen as popular. They were preferred playmates. Their peers did not initially experience them as disruptive or problematic. (frontiersin.org)

There were also equal numbers of playful girls and playful boys.

That matters.

It means the later negative reaction cannot simply be explained by “playfulness” alone. There were playful girls too.

But the teachers did not respond to the boys and girls in the same way.

The playful boys were the ones increasingly seen as disruptive. The playful boys were the ones who acquired the “class clown” label. The playful girls did not receive the same negative response, even though they were equally playful. (frontiersin.org)

That is one of the most important parts of this research because it makes the double standard harder to deny.

The issue was not merely playful behavior.

The issue was playful boys.


The word the researchers used was “antipathy”

The researchers did not use mild language.

They wrote that “one of the most significant discoveries of the study was the antipathy held by teachers for playful boys from the earliest primary grade.” (frontiersin.org)

Antipathy means a deep-seated dislike or aversion.

That is a stunning word to find in research about young boys who were characterized by joy, humor, spontaneity, imagination, and social vitality.

Other children liked them.

The ​teachers often did not.

That should trouble anyone who cares about children.

Because once an adult repeatedly communicates irritation, contempt, or aversion toward a child, the issue is no longer simple discipline. The adult is helping define that child socially. The child begins to feel it. Other children begin to absorb it. A reputation forms. A role gets assigned.

This boy is fun.
This boy is too much.
This boy is a nuisance.
This boy is the problem.

That is how shame begins.


What happened by third grade is chilling

The most disturbing finding came next.

In first and second grade, the playful children were still generally seen positively by their peers. But by third grade, the playful boys experienced a dramatic reversal. The children began drawing a sharp distinction between playful boys and playful girls, and the playful boys came to be seen as the least preferred playmates and as having the lowest social status.

Think about how serious that is.

These boys had not suddenly become cruel.

They had not become dangerous.

They had not changed into bad children.

What changed was the way they were being seen.

And the researchers strongly suspected that teachers had helped cause that shift, directly and indirectly shaping both the boys’ self-perceptions and the perceptions of their classmates.

That means an adult’s bias may have helped take boys who were initially popular and turn them into social liabilities.

That is not a minor classroom issue.

That is the manufacturing of rejection.


This starts to look like relational aggression against boys

I have spent decades as a therapist, and emotionally abusive systems often work in a very particular way: they turn people against one another. They poison perceptions. They shape alliances. They quietly designate one person as the problem and then let the group do the rest.

When I read this research, I see something disturbingly similar.

Teachers do not have to announce their bias openly for children to absorb it. Children are exquisitely sensitive to adult cues. They notice who gets warmth, who gets annoyance, who gets repeated correction, ​who gets eye rolls, who gets labeled, who gets the benefit of the doubt, and who does not.

Over time, children learn how to rank each other accordingly.

So when a teacher repeatedly treats playful boys as irritating or disruptive, the other children are not blind to that. They learn from it. They internalize it. And in this case, they appear to have acted on it.

That is why this is so serious.

The boys were not merely disciplined.

They were socially reclassified.


Boys are too often being judged as defective girls

This is, in many ways, the heart of the problem.

Boys are often measured against a behavioral ideal that fits girls more comfortably, and then penalized when they do not match it.

Need for movement? Problem.
Need for rough play? Problem.
Less verbal style? Problem.
High energy? Problem.
Resistance to passive conformity? Problem.
Humor under pressure? Problem.

At some point we have to ask a basic question:

What if many boys being labeled are not disordered at all?

What if they are simply boys in an environment that has become increasingly unfriendly to boyhood?

That does not mean boys need no discipline. Of course they do. Boys need guidance, structure, accountability, and mentoring. They need adults who can shape their energy, not shame it.

But shaping is not the same as pathologizing.

And guidance is not the same as contempt.


Many men remember exactly when this began

I suspect many men reading this will recognize something here.

They can remember the moment when their energy stopped being seen as vitality and started being seen as trouble.

They can remember the feeling that the girls were “right” and they were “wrong.”

They can remember being funny one year and “disruptive” the next.

They can remember realizing that being a boy felt, somehow, politically incorrect.

A great many boys were not crushed by open cruelty.

They were crushed by chronic misreading.

And that may be one of the most damaging things schools do.

Because once a boy starts to believe that his natural way of being is unwelcome, he often begins to pull back from school, from learning, and sometimes even from himself.


We should stop asking what is wrong with boys and start asking what is wrong with the lens through which we view them

The real issue here is not whether boys need to grow up well. Of course they do.

The real issue is whether adults can still recognize healthy masculinity when they see it.

Can they recognize exuberance without calling it pathology?
Can they recognize roughness without calling it danger?
Can they recognize humor without calling it deviance?
Can they recognize a playful boy without turning him into a problem?

Until we can do that, boys will continue to pay the price for adult confusion.

And many already have.



Research

Barnett, L. A. (2018). The Education of Playful Boys: Class Clowns in the Classroom. This is the playful boys study, including the findings on teacher antipathy, the different treatment of playful boys and playful girls, and the reversal in peer attitudes by third grade. (frontiersin.org)

Spilt, J. L., Koomen, H. M. Y., & Jak, S. (2012). Are boys better off with male and girls with female teachers? This review found that teachers report more conflict with boys, and that female teachers report less closeness with boys than girls. (pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov)

Horn, E. P., et al. (2021). Trajectories of teacher-child relationships across kindergarten and first grade. This study found girls experienced more closeness with teachers than boys across both school years. (sciencedirect.com)

Schlosser, L. (1980). Sex, Behavior, and Teacher Expectancies. This cites the teacher-preference traits: rigid, conforming, orderly, dependent, passive, and acquiescent. (jstor.org)

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October 19, 2026
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Parental Alienation: When Separation Becomes Erasure
Chapter 9 - Seeing Men Clearly



Chapter 9 - Seeing Men Clearly


Parental Alienation: When Separation Becomes Erasure

Losing daily contact with a parent is painful. Losing the relationship itself is something else entirely. Most custody disputes involve distance. Parental alienation involves something far more profound: the gradual disappearance of a parent from a child’s emotional world and, ultimately, from the child’s life, often reinforced by physical separation.

A child may still have access to a parent. Phone calls may be available. Visits may be scheduled. Court orders may remain in place. Yet over time the relationship begins to weaken, then fracture, and in some cases collapse. Affection gives way to suspicion. Familiarity gives way to distance. Love is gradually replaced by fear, anger, or indifference.


The Child Who Stops Calling

It often begins subtly. A child becomes reluctant to answer the phone. Conversations become shorter. Visits become strained. The rejected parent is bewildered. Nothing obvious has happened. No abuse. No abandonment. No dramatic betrayal. Yet the relationship appears to be dissolving.

The child begins speaking in language that sounds strangely adult. Old grievances are repeated. Minor mistakes become major offenses. Positive memories fade while negative interpretations multiply. The parent who was once loved becomes viewed almost entirely through a negative lens.


A Relationship Under Pressure

Children naturally want to love both parents. This is one of the most important realities to understand. Children generally do not enter the world looking for reasons to reject a mother or father. Their natural tendency is connection. They want both parents. They need both parents. They identify with both parents.

When children feel pressure to choose between parents, they often experience tremendous internal conflict. To reject a parent is, in some sense, to reject a part of themselves. This is why parental alienation can be so damaging. The child is not merely losing a relationship. The child is often losing a piece of his or her own identity.


The Research Begins to Notice

For many years, professionals paid little attention to the phenomenon. When fathers complained that children were being turned against them, they were often dismissed as bitter ex-spouses unwilling to accept divorce. Gradually, however, clinicians began observing patterns that were difficult to explain away.

Researchers and therapists noticed situations where children displayed extreme hostility toward a parent despite little evidence that the parent had done anything deserving such rejection. The child’s anger often seemed disproportionate, the accusations repetitive, and the thinking unusually rigid. The relationship appeared less like a normal response to parental shortcomings and more like the result of sustained influence.

Over time, the concept of parental alienation emerged as an attempt to describe these situations. Although professionals continue to debate definitions and terminology, few dispute that children can be influenced to fear, reject, or distance themselves from a parent. The question is not whether it happens. The question is how often. And what should be done when it does.


The Invisible Form of Family Violence

One way to understand parental alienation is to imagine a form of family violence that leaves no bruises. No broken bones. No emergency room visits. No police reports. Yet something precious is still being damaged: the bond between a parent and child.

A parent can recover from insults. A parent can recover from financial loss. Many parents never fully recover from losing a child. Not through death. Through rejection. The pain is difficult to describe. It is grief without a funeral. Loss without an end. Presence without relationship.


Why Children Are Vulnerable

Children trust the adults who care for them. That trust is necessary. Without it, childhood would be impossible. Yet the same trust that protects children can also make them vulnerable.

If a trusted adult repeatedly communicates that another parent is unsafe, uncaring, selfish, or unworthy, many children eventually absorb that message—not because they are foolish, but because they are children. The younger the child, the greater the vulnerability. A child has limited ability to independently evaluate competing claims. He relies heavily on the people he trusts. This is one reason parental alienation can be so powerful. It exploits one of childhood’s greatest strengths: trust.


The Father’s Voice

Although either parent can engage in alienating behavior, fathers often describe a particularly painful experience. Many enter court believing that if they remain calm, loving, and patient, the truth will eventually prevail. Instead, they sometimes discover that the relationship deteriorates while they wait.

Phone calls become less frequent. Visits become more tense. Years pass. Children grow older. The bond weakens. By the time anyone recognizes what has happened, much of the damage has already occurred.

One father described it this way: “I wasn’t losing a court case. I was losing my daughter.” That distinction captures the reality more accurately than any legal terminology. The issue is not primarily litigation. The issue is relationship.


The Child’s Loss

The greatest tragedy of parental alienation is often misunderstood. People assume the primary victim is the rejected parent. Certainly that parent suffers enormously. But a powerful and often unnoticed series of losses belongs to the child.

The child loses stories, memories, guidance, connection, identity, half of his history, and half of his family. Sometimes half of himself. Years later, many alienated children begin asking difficult questions. What really happened? Why did I stop seeing my father? Why did I believe those things? What did I miss?

Some find answers. Many do not. The lost years cannot be recovered.


Why We Didn’t Notice

Parental alienation reveals something important about the broader themes of this book. When a child loses contact with a father, many observers assume the father must have done something wrong. The possibility that the relationship itself might be under attack is often considered only much later.

This assumption flows from the same hidden layer we have seen repeatedly. Mothers are often viewed as natural caregivers. Fathers are often viewed as optional caregivers. When a child rejects a father, people frequently assume the father earned that rejection. When a child rejects a mother, people are more likely to ask what happened.

The difference is subtle. Yet it shapes perception. And perception shapes institutions. Just as it has throughout this book.

Men Are Good.

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October 15, 2026
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When in Doubt, Blame Men
How Widely Do Women Blame Men?
 

A recent analysis from the Survey Center on American Life highlighted a striking finding: 66 percent of Democratic women ages 18 to 29 said men’s behavior or actions contribute “a great deal” to the challenges women face in American society. Among Republican women the same age, the figure was 18 percent.

Here is the article’s original chart:

 


The contrast is dramatic. Young Democratic women were more than three times as likely as young Republican women to choose the strongest response. Across the age groups shown, democratic women were consistently more likely to answer this way.

The survey asked women how much the challenges facing women in American society were due to men’s behavior or actions. The available options were a great deal, a fair amount, hardly any, none at all, and unsure.

The original comparison tells us who selected the strongest answer. It does not tell us how many women attributed at least a fair amount of women’s challenges to men.

To examine that broader question, I looked at the survey’s underlying data using its main survey weight.

 

In this analysis, approximately 67 percent of young Democratic women chose a great deal, and another 29 percent chose a fair amount. Total those and you get 96.4 percent.

That is nearly every young Democratic woman in the sample. Nearly 100% of democratic women between the ages of 18-29 attributed at least a fair amount of women’s challenges to the behavior or actions of men.

The Republican result also looks very different once the second response is included. Approximately 18 percent chose a great deal, while 49 percent chose a fair amount. Together, that comes to about 67 percent—roughly two-thirds.

When we total “great deal “ and “fair amount“ it reveals something the original comparison obscures: attributing a substantial share of women’s societal challenges to men is widespread among young women in both parties.

Now let’s look beyond the youngest age group.

 

Among Democratic women, the combined total exceeds 90 percent in every age group shown.

The Republican pattern is also revealing. In this sample, the combined percentage is higher in the older age groups. Older Republican women are more likely than younger Republican women to attribute at least a fair amount of women’s challenges to men.

In every Democratic and Republican age group shown, roughly two-thirds or more of women attributed at least a fair amount of women’s societal challenges to men.

What began as a finding about young Democratic women has become a much broader finding about women across generations and party lines. Two thirds of women seem to attribute a fair amount of women’s challenges to men’s actions or behaviors. To me that is a stunning finding.

There is another dimension to consider: education.

 

But once again, stopping at the strongest answer leaves out part of the picture.

Including a fair amount reveals the broader educational pattern shown in the chart. The combined responses suggest a stronger tendency to attribute women’s challenges to men at higher levels of education, even though the strongest response alone does not rise consistently across the categories.

So what do these findings mean?

Nearly universal agreement among young Democratic women, more than 90 percent across Democratic age groups, and substantial majorities among Republican women suggest that seeing men as a significant source of women’s difficulties has become a widely shared perspective.

I see these findings as a strong indication of how successfully the feminist narrative has encouraged women to blame men and male power for their difficulties. It seems clear to me that this message can encourage a victim mentality. The survey does not establish why women answered as they did, but the pattern is consistent with that narrative’s influence. And it extends well beyond young Democratic women: substantial majorities of women in every age group shown, in both parties, attributed at least a fair amount of women’s societal challenges to men.

 

One appeal of that narrative is the explanation it offers: the difficulties women face are not entirely their responsibility; a substantial share of the blame belongs to men. Recognizing some men being a problem is reasonable. Making men an explanation for women’s difficulties is ridiculous. Just imagine men claiming that their difficulties were due to women as a group. Laughable.

What do these findings tell us? What might the impact of these ideas be? We have had decades of feminists telling women that so many of the problems they face are not their fault, that they have been wronged at the hands of men, that they are victims. One of the obvious results of this massive psyop is to diminish women’s accountability. When you believe someone else is the reason for your troubles it relieves you of needing to seek responsibility. If you are not responsible then you are likely not going to be accountable. What might that do to her? What happens to people when their accountability drops? Here are a few ideas of what psychological costs can follow a victim mentality/lack of accountability:

  1. Less self-examination. “How did I contribute?” gets replaced by “Who did this to me?” That makes it easier to repeat the same mistakes​, and blame others.

  2. More defensiveness. Feedback can feel like an unfair accusation rather than useful information.

  3. Difficulty repairing relationships. Apologizing, acknowledging someone else’s pain, and changing behavior become harder if the person sees responsibility as entirely belonging to the other party.

  4. A diminished sense of agency. If others are always the cause of your difficulties, you may also come to believe that improvement depends entirely on them. Your focus becomes changing them rather than changing yourself.

  5. Growing mistrust and resentment. Expecting mistreatment can encourage defensive or uncooperative behavior, which may provoke responses that reinforce the original expectation. Research on sensitivity to being victimized supports that possible cycle.

Do you think these five may be related to women seeing others as being responsible for their challenges? Do you think they fit with a feminist narrative that repeatedly explains women’s difficulties through men’s behavior and male power? Does that narrative help women recognize both external obstacles and their own choices, or can it encourage blame at the expense of agency?​ ​Have you seen any of this in your family, relationships, or work?

​Let me know what you think.

​Men Are Good


Source: Survey Center on American Life, 2025 Civility and Morality Survey, a survey of 5,451 U.S. adults conducted through Ipsos KnowledgePanel. The original article reports 66 percent for young Democratic women selecting “a great deal”; the weighted analysis used for the additional charts gives approximately 67 percent. The 96.5 percent combined figure uses unrounded values. The additional charts and subgroup figures are from my analysis.

Original article: https://www.americansurveycenter.org/significant-figures/young-women-are-the-most-likely-to-believe-that-men-are-at-the-root-of-their-problems/

Survey topline and methodology: https://www.americansurveycenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Civility-and-Morality-Survey-Topline-1.pdf

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October 13, 2026
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A New Documentary Takes on Feminism
Meet filmmaker Les Lanphere and his upcoming film, Deceived: The Ruin of the Modern Woman.

I had a great conversation today with filmmaker Les Lanphere, who is working on a provocative new documentary called Deceived: The Ruin of the Modern Woman.

Les is an experienced documentary filmmaker whose previous work includes Calvinist, Spirit & Truth, and Cessationist. In addition to his independent documentaries, he has worked on major, large-budget film productions, bringing valuable experience from the broader film industry to his own projects. His newest documentary takes on a very different subject: feminism and its impact on women, men, families, and society.

What particularly interests me about this project is its willingness to challenge one of our culture’s most deeply entrenched assumptions: that feminism has been a force for good in women’s lives. Les takes a much more provocative position. His film sets out to expose the consequences of a movement that claims to liberate women but has often left them worse off.

The film approaches these questions from a Christian perspective, examining how feminism has reshaped our understanding of women, men, marriage, and family life. Les is asking important questions that deserve far more attention than they typically receive, and I’m delighted to see a filmmaker willing to tackle them so directly.

Here’s the trailer for the upcoming film:

Helping bring the film to life

The project’s crowdfunding campaign has already reached its original fundraising goal, which is wonderful news. But producing a documentary is an expensive undertaking, and additional contributions are still welcome and appreciated.

If you believe that feminism deserves serious scrutiny and that alternative perspectives should have an opportunity to be heard, consider supporting the project.

Support Deceived: The Ruin of the Modern Woman on Kickstarter

I’ll be interviewing Les soon for Men Are Good, and I’m looking forward to exploring his plans for the film, what motivated him to make it, and what he hopes audiences will take away.

Stay tuned. I think this will be a fascinating conversation.

Men Are Good.

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