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Reproductive Coercion and Research Omissions
4 – Bias Against Men and Boys in Psychological Research
December 06, 2025
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This post is the second in a three-part series that followed How Feminist Researchers Lied. Although these pieces were written some time ago, they remain just as relevant today.

The study examined here focuses on “reproductive coercion” — and it’s a striking example of how researchers can deliberately mislead. Incredibly, it makes the preposterous claim that men are the ones “poking holes in condoms.” Despite its weak foundation, the study received massive coverage in the mainstream media and has undoubtedly shaped public perception, reinforcing yet another false narrative about men.

Read on to see how they managed to spin this.
______________________________________________

 

 

I was browsing on the web and happened to read an article about a study on “Reproductive Coercion.” As I read it I was amazed at the sorts of statistics that the study was quoting. One article said that 53% of women surveyed had experienced violence in her relationships. “Wow” I thought, thatʼs over half of the respondents. Thatʼs quite a few. I read on and other stats were quoted that were equally shocking. I began to wonder about how they got such alarming statistics.

My interest was stimulated and I started searching for articles on this research. There were plenty. One from Newsweek, one from Science News Daily, one from Medical News Today, one from EScience News, one from the LA Times and others. They all made similar claims about this study and often used the same quotes and the same statistics. I kept looking for more articles thinking that with statistics as strong as these that there must be something unusual here. I wondered if their sample was biased in some way or perhaps the way they had defined their terms had inflated the numbers. About the tenth article I found was one from the college newspaper of the lead researcher in the study. The publication was called “The Aggie” and was the student paper for the University of California, Davis. That article included something that the others had omitted. The Aggie article said that the survey was done on an “impoverished” population of African American and Hispanic females. It went on to say that the study should not be generalized:

“The five clinics surveyed were in impoverished neighborhoods with Latinas and African Americans comprising two-thirds of the respondents.

The results are expected to be applicable to reproductive health clinics in demographically poor areas. Researchers cannot estimate if surveys at private gynecologists would produce similar results.”

Suddenly the results started to make more sense. We know that lower socio-economic levels tend to show much higher levels of interpersonal violence (IPV). One DOJ report shows that women with lower income levels are almost three times more likely to experience relationship violence than those with higher incomes. We know that women in rental housing are also three times more likely to experience IPV than those in homes that they own. By studying a sample that was impoverished it dramatically increased the likelihood of finding higher rates of IPV.

 

Then I started to wonder. How was it that all of the national media articles which had obviously been seen by millions of people had missed the sample being of impoverished African American and Hispanic females? I started to think that the media was simply not doing their homework and that their readers were getting fed misinformation as a result.

I decided at that point to obtain a copy of the study. I went to the online site for the Journal Contraception which had published the original article and purchased a copy. I read it. By the end I was shocked. There was no mention in the journal article of the socio-economic status of the sample that had been surveyed. No mention of whether they were rich or poor. I had to catch myself because I had earlier assumed that it was the media not doing their homework and simply not reading the journal article. But now it was a completely different situation. The information had been omitted from the journal article. How could that be? This was an article that had 7 researchers named as co-authors. It had to have been read and edited over and over again. How could it be that something so basic would have been left out?

I decided to write to the lead researcher Dr Elizabeth Miller. I sent her an email and asked about the sample. I told her that I had read the article in the Aggie that had mentioned that the sample was “impoverished” African American and Hispanic females and I was interested to know if this was correct or if the Aggie had made a mistake. She wrote me back a very pleasant email in several days apologizing for taking so long to get back to me and saying that yes, the Aggie was correct that the sample was largely disadvantaged African American and Hispanic females. I wrote her back very quickly and asked why that information had not been mentioned in the journal article. I also asked if she was concerned about the national media articles that never mentioned the fact that the sample was impoverished and seemed to be erroneously implying that the study could generalize to the population at large. She wrote me back once but has never offered any answers to those questions.

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At that point I contacted Gabrielle Grow, the author of the Aggie article and congratulated her on a job well done. I asked her how she had found out about the sample being “impoverished.” She told me that it was just one of the questions that she had asked the researchers in the interview. I wrote her back and congratulated her again and explained to her that all of the national articles including Newsweek, LA Times, Science News Daily, EScience News, Medical News Today and others had all missed that important bit of information. Ms Grow was the only reporter that asked the important question.

But why did the national news media not ask the same question? This is an important question and we really donʼt know the answer at this point. What we do know is the study issued a press release about the research findings and never mentioned the sample being largely a poor population. They also made no mention of the fact which is referenced in their study that this sort of population has higher reports of IPV thus creating inflated responses when compared to the general population. It made no mention that the study should be applicable only to other poor neighborhoods. Reading the press release one might easily assume that the study applied to everyone.

Here are just a few of the points the press release made:

1. Men use coercion and birth control sabotage to cause their partners to become pregnant against their wills.

2. Young women and teenage girls often face efforts by male partners to sabotage their birth control or coerce or pressure them to become pregnant – including by damaging condoms and destroying contraceptives.

3. Fifty-three percent of respondents said they had experienced physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner.

4. Male partners actively attempt to promote pregnancy against the will of their female partners.

With no mention in the press release that the studyʼs sample was largely indigent African American and Hispanic females one could get the impression from reading it that the study might apply to the general population. Even though the researchers when asked by Ms Grow, admitted that the study should only be applied to the poor. One can only assume that the researchers failed not only to mention this important information in the press release but also didnʼt offer this to the media in any of the interviews. Actually there was very little information offered that might have discouraged the media from playing this as a study about men and women in general.

This is obvious when you look at the headlines and quotes from various news articles. Here is a sampling:

NEWSWEEK

“What we’re seeing is that, in the larger scheme of violence against women and girls, it is another way to maintain control,” says Miller.”
“The man is taking away a woman’s power to decide she’s not going to have a child.”

LA Times

“Reproductive coercion is a factor in unintended pregnancies”
“Young women even report that their boyfriends sabotage birth control to get them pregnant.”

ScienceDaily

“Over half the respondents — 53 percent — said they had experienced physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner.”

“The study also highlights the importance of working with young men to prevent both violence against female partners and coercion around pregnancy.”

Physorg

“Approximately one in five young women said they experienced pregnancy coercion”

ESCIENCE NEWS

“Young women and teenage girls often face efforts by male partners to sabotage birth control or coerce pregnancy — including damaging condoms and destroying contraceptives”

INSCIENCES

“This study highlights an under-recognized phenomenon where male partners actively attempt to promote pregnancy against the will of their female partners,” said lead study author Elizabeth Miller, a

Medical News Today

Headline – Physical or Sexual Violence Often Accompanies Reproductive Coercion

End Abuse . org

“It finds that young women and teenage girls often face efforts by male partners to sabotage their birth control or coerce or pressure them to become pregnant – including by damaging condoms and destroying contraceptives.”

What do these quotes and headlines have in common? They all sound as if the study in question applies to the general population of men and women, boys and girls. The circulation of Newsweek is 2.7 million so just from that source alone a great many people have been given the impression that men in general will tend to coerce women in general to get pregnant.

 

 

The first level is the research paper itself. The Contraception Journal was obviously read by many, especially other researchers. Then the next level is the national media that wrote stories about the study. We saw above some of the sorts of misrepresentations that were common from the national media articles. But things go even further. Once the journal article is published and then the media articles follow there is a third wave that hits: the blogs. When end users hear this sort of thing they take it a step farther. Here are just a few examples of what happens:

Hereʼs a headline from a blog:

Crazy, Condom-Puncturing Control Freaks Are Often Men

So we have gone from omitting the nature of the sample to the printing of articles in the national media that implicate men in general and once this happens the end users at the blogs take that information and exaggerate it much farther. Hereʼs another example:

There is a new study which discusses a horribly prevalent but rarely discussed form of intimate partner violence: reproductive coercion.

So we have gone from low income Black and Hispanic females claiming to be coerced to making global pronouncements about reproductive coercion being “horribly prevalent.” Right. Those crazy condom puncturing control freaks are part of a horribly prevalent pattern.

It doesnʼt take much imagination to see the next step of a dinner table discussion of this issue. The daughter announces at the table that it is men who puncture condoms and force women into pregnancy. Mom tells her that that couldnʼt be and the daughter pulls up a link to the blog and then to the Newsweek article. Dad is still unimpressed until she pulls up a link to the study which partially verifies her false claim. All at the table are convinced now it is the men in general who are coercing women into pregnancy.

This is the way memes get started. A “research” article tells half the story and the partial data is misinterpreted unknowingly by the media who then pass on the half story as truth to unwitting millions who hear the medias version and their claim that it is research driven and the public is sold. It must be true! This is of course what happened with domestic violence. Early feminist researchers only told half the story, that women were victims of domestic violence and men were perpetrators. The media simply passed on the story to millions and the rest is history. We have a general public who is convinced that it is only women who are victims of domestic violence.

The scientific method is very clear. You create a hypothesis and find a way to test it. You then carefully sift though the test data and account for the data that affirms your hypothesis and importantly account for the data that conflicts with your hypothesis. What has happened over and over from feminist researchers is simply ignoring the data that conflicts with your hypothesis (male victims) and focusing solely on that data that confirms your ideology (female victims). Interestingly in this study the researchers failed to ask the subjects if they had also coerced their male partners. They only asked the questions that would provide them with the “acceptable” answers.

In the study examined in this article the researchers seem to have “forgotten” to remind the media of the limitations of their sample. In a similar fashion to the first study, the press release seems to have been used to steer the data. One could assume that leaving out the nature of the sample was an honest mistake. If so, I would have expected Dr Miller to respond to my email asking about the omission of the nature of the sample. But she did not. This leaves us not knowing if the mistake was or was not intentional.

Perhaps we will never know. I know what my guess is. Whatʼs yours?

Men Are Good

 

The Research https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20227548/

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May 14, 2026
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When False Accusation Becomes Cultural
False Accusations at the Micro and Macro Level



There is something deeply destabilizing about being falsely accused.

Not merely because of the accusation itself, but because of what false accusations reveal about human psychology, social fear, moral signaling, and the fragility of reputation.

Most people understand that false accusations can devastate an individual life. What we understand less clearly is what happens when accusation dynamics move beyond individuals and begin operating at the level of an entire sex.

To understand that larger cultural question, we first have to understand the psychology of false accusation itself.

The questions are deceptively simple:

Why do people make false accusations?

And equally important:

What happens psychologically to the falsely accused?

The answers are more complicated than most people realize.

Some false accusations are consciously malicious. Those are the easiest to understand. A person wants revenge. Or leverage. Or sympathy. Or attention. Or custody of the children. Or moral status within a group. Sometimes the accusation becomes a weapon of coercive control.

But many false accusations are not entirely conscious.

Some begin with emotional pain that slowly transforms into moral certainty.

“I felt hurt”
becomes
“He abused me.”

“I regret what happened”
becomes
“I was violated.”

“I felt emotionally unsafe”
becomes
“He was dangerous.”

Human memory is not a video recorder. Emotion reshapes memory. Repetition reshapes certainty. Social validation reshapes identity.

Psychologists have long understood that human beings are vulnerable to confirmation bias, cognitive dissonance, projection, social contagion, and narrative reinforcement.

Once a person receives emotional rewards for a particular interpretation of events, that interpretation often becomes increasingly fixed.

And groups amplify this dramatically.

If a community strongly rewards ​an individual’s victimhood narrative, moral outrage, or ideological conformity, accusations can become socially contagious. Doubt becomes psychologically dangerous. Certainty becomes socially rewarded.

This is one reason moral panics emerge repeatedly throughout history.

The group itself begins stabilizing and protecting the accusation.

The person making the accusation may receive:

sympathy,
validation,
status,
protection,
belonging,
and moral authority.

Meanwhile the accused often enters a psychological nightmare.

One aspect of false accusation is the way it creates double binds.

If the accused denies the accusation forcefully:
“He’s defensive.”

If he remains calm:
“He doesn’t seem upset enough.”

If he becomes emotional:
“He’s manipulative.”

If he gets angry:
“See? Dangerous.”

If he withdraws:
“He must have something to hide.”

The falsely accused often discovers something terrifying:
innocence does not automatically protect you.

In fact, accusation itself can become socially radioactive regardless of evidence.

And because human beings are profoundly reputation-based creatures, false accusations can produce enormous psychological trauma.

Many falsely accused people develop:
hypervigilance,
social anxiety,
depression,
withdrawal,
fear of relationships,
fear of institutions,
fear of speaking openly,
significant anger,
and an ongoing sense that the world is no longer entirely predictable or safe.

Many also develop a painful sense that normal self-defense mechanisms no longer work.

Some become extraordinarily cautious in daily life. They monitor every interaction. Every joke. Every disagreement. Every email. Every expression.

Not because they are guilty.

But because they have learned how fragile reputation can be — and how quickly trust, belonging, and social safety can disappear.

One of the most painful effects is the gradual loss of trust in one’s own goodness.

The accused begins living inside a climate of suspicion.

And over time that suspicion can become internalized.

This is important because false accusation does not merely attack behavior.

It attacks identity.

The accusation says:
“There is something dangerous or morally suspect about who you are.”

That distinction matters enormously.

Because human beings can withstand criticism of behavior far more easily than chronic suspicion directed toward identity itself.

At this point an important question begins emerging:

What happens when these same accusation dynamics move beyond individuals and begin operating culturally?

What happens when broad moral suspicion becomes attached not to a person’s actions, but to an entire birth group?

Because the more closely one examines modern cultural narratives surrounding men, the more difficult it becomes to ignore the psychological similarities.

False accusations at a personal level often share striking similarities with broader cultural accusations directed at men — ideas such as “toxic masculinity,” “men are oppressors,” “men are privileged,” and many others.

Could these narratives, in many cases, function as larger-scale cultural forms of false accusation?

I believe they can.

The mechanisms are strikingly familiar.

The incentives are similar.
The reinforcement patterns are similar.
The double binds are similar.
And the emotional impact on the accused is often strikingly similar too.

The scale changes.

But the psychology does not disappear.

False accusation does not require a courtroom to create psychological injury.

A person can begin feeling falsely accused through:
repeated moral framing,
generalized suspicion,
collective guilt narratives,
constant cultural messaging,
and broad stereotypes repeated endlessly over time.

And that may help explain why so many ordinary men today feel anxious, cautious, silent, alienated, or vaguely ashamed even when nobody has individually accused them of anything.

They are responding to an atmosphere of moral suspicion.

And that atmosphere deserves closer examination. In Part Two we will focus on that.

Men Are Good, as are you.

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May 11, 2026
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The Hidden Layer Beneath Men’s Issues
The invisible framework shaping empathy, protection, and blame


When the Titanic struck the iceberg on April 14, 1912, and the magnitude of the disaster became clear, a command emerged that would echo through history:

“Women and children first.”

The phrase has since become shorthand for moral decency. It evokes images of courage, sacrifice, and order in chaos. It is taught in classrooms. It is praised in films. It is woven into our understanding of what it means to be honorable.

The men who stepped aside that night are remembered as noble. The expectation that they should do so is rarely questioned.

And yet, very few people pause to consider what that command reveals.

The Titanic was not an isolated moment. Maritime tradition had long held that in emergencies, women and children were to be prioritized for survival. The principle was considered civilized. It distinguished order from barbarism.

But beneath the nobility lies a moral asymmetry so familiar we rarely examine it.

In moments of mortal danger, women’s lives are prioritized.

Men’s lives are expected to be risked.

This expectation is not controversial. It is not debated. It is instinctively accepted.

The question is not whether the instinct is understandable. It clearly is.

The question is why it feels so natural.



More than a century later, the asymmetry persists in quieter form.

In the United States today, only men are required to register for Selective Service. Failure to do so can carry legal consequences. Women are exempt.

The justification often rests on combat roles, tradition, or biological difference. But at its core, the policy reflects something deeper: in times of national threat, the lives of men are presumed expendable in ways women’s lives are not.

This is not ancient history. It is present law.

And it does not produce widespread moral outrage.

Imagine reversing the asymmetry. Imagine a law requiring only women to register for potential military conscription while exempting men. The reaction would be immediate and fierce. It would be called discriminatory. Unjust. Oppressive.

Yet the current arrangement provokes little sustained objection.

Why?

The instinct to protect women and children is often described as chivalry. It is framed as virtue. And in many ways, it is.

Throughout human history, men have risked and sacrificed their lives to defend families, communities, and nations. War memorials stand in nearly every town, bearing overwhelmingly male names. The expectation of male disposability in defense of others has been normalized for generations.

It is not cruel. It is not consciously malicious.

It is simply assumed.

And assumptions, when shared collectively, become invisible.



The pattern extends beyond disasters and drafts.

In public emergencies, evacuation protocols routinely prioritize women and children. In humanitarian crises, aid campaigns emphasize the vulnerability of women and girls. In media coverage of tragedy, particular attention is drawn to female victims, even when male casualties are numerically greater.

The emphasis feels compassionate. It feels humane.

But it also reflects a hierarchy of concern.

When women suffer, it feels urgent.

When men suffer, it feels unfortunate.

That difference is rarely articulated. It is simply felt.



None of this requires resentment to observe.

It does not require hostility toward women.

It does not require denial of genuine historical injustices faced by either sex.

It requires only the willingness to notice a pattern.

The pattern is this:

Our culture instinctively codes female vulnerability as morally primary.

Male vulnerability, by contrast, is conditional.

It must often be demonstrated, justified, or contextualized before it is granted similar urgency.



This reflex predates modern political movements. It predates contemporary feminism. It is older than the twentieth century. It is woven into literature, law, war, and custom.

It is a moral reflex.

And like most reflexes, it operates automatically.

We rarely ask whether it should.



The phrase “women and children first” is not a policy manual. It is a moral symbol. It tells us something about who we instinctively protect and who we expect to endure.

The instinct itself may be rooted in evolutionary pressures, reproductive strategy, social stability, or simple empathy toward those perceived as physically smaller or less capable of defense. Explanations vary. What matters for our purposes is not origin but operation.

When a reflex becomes cultural default, it shapes institutions.

When institutions are shaped by unexamined moral hierarchies, patterns follow.

Education policy.
Funding decisions.
Research priorities.
Media narratives.
Legal frameworks.

Over time, what began as instinct becomes structure.

And structure, once built, is rarely neutral.



If we are to examine modern debates about gender honestly, we must begin here — not with ideology, not with slogans, but with the underlying moral gravity that tilts our collective responses.

We admire men who step aside on sinking ships.

We require men to register for war.

We do not call this injustice.

We call it normal.

The question is not whether the instinct to protect women is wrong.

The question is what happens when that instinct becomes invisible — and therefore immune to examination.

Before we can discuss policy, research, or political movements, we must first name the bias that makes those policies feel natural.

There is a word for this pattern.

We will turn to it next Monday.

Men Are Good, as are you.

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May 04, 2026
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Don't Take The Bait
Understanding the Animus—and What Men Can Do About It

 

 

 


There’s an idea from Carl Jung that has largely disappeared from modern conversation, but once you see it, you begin to recognize it everywhere.

He called it the animus.

In simple terms, the animus is the inner masculine side of a woman’s psyche. Just as men have an inner feminine (anima), women have an inner masculine. But that simple definition doesn’t go far enough, because the animus doesn’t just sit quietly in the background. At times, it can take over.



What the Animus Looks Like in Real Life

Jungian writers like Emma Jung and Marie-Louise von Franz described this very clearly. When the animus is active, it tends to speak in opinions that feel like absolute truth—not reflections, not curiosity, not a back-and-forth, but conclusions delivered with certainty.

Most men have experienced this moment, even if they didn’t have a name for it. You’re in a conversation, and suddenly you’re no longer being heard. Your words don’t land. The tone becomes sharp, certain, even prosecutorial. You are no longer an individual—you are “men.” And perhaps most telling: it doesn’t feel like her.

That’s the moment.



A Simple Tip-Off: Listen for “Should”

One of the clearest signals I’ve found is a small word that shows up again and again: “should.”

“You should know better.”
“Men should…”
“You shouldn’t feel that way.”

“Should” often signals that the conversation has shifted from what is happening to what must be true—from reality to judgment, from relationship to prosecution. It’s not that the word itself is bad, but when it shows up with certainty and heat, it often marks the moment when you are no longer in a discussion—you’re in something else.



Not Every Argument Is the Animus

This matters. Not every disagreement is an animus moment. Two adults can argue, disagree, challenge each other, and even get emotional while still being in a real conversation. That’s not what we’re talking about here.

A real argument still allows for movement. Animus possession does not.

So these strategies are not for normal discussions. They’re for those moments when nothing lands, everything is certain, and you can feel the shift.



The Bait

The animus, much like relational aggression, offers something very specific: it offers bait. The bait is emotional, and the hook is reactivity. If you take it—even for a moment—you’ve already lost, because now the conversation is no longer about what happened. It’s about how you reacted.



What Works Instead

Over time, I’ve seen something else work. Not perfectly, not always, but often enough to matter. When a man can stay calm, clear, and grounded while simply stating the truth, something changes.

Not immediately. In fact, the attack often continues in the moment. But without a counterattack, the conflict has nowhere to go but inward.



What This Sounds Like

Staying grounded doesn’t mean staying silent. It means speaking clearly—without heat, without defensiveness, and without trying to win.

For example:

“I care about you, but I’m not going to accept being spoken to as if I’m the enemy.”

“I’m willing to talk about what happened. I’m not willing to stand here as a symbol for all men.”

“I hear that you’re upset. I don’t agree with how you’re describing me.”

“I’m open to this conversation—but not in this tone.”

“I don’t think more arguing is going to help us right now.”

“I’m going to step away for a bit. I’m open to talking when we can both speak to each other as people.”

These responses don’t escalate, don’t submit, and don’t take the bait. They simply hold reality steady.



The “Next Day” Effect

I’ve seen this pattern many times. When I don’t take the bait—when I stay steady and speak plainly without heat—the moment doesn’t resolve right away. But later, something shifts.

Sometimes hours later. Sometimes the next day.

The woman comes back—not because I won the argument, but because I didn’t give the argument anything to grow on. Without escalation, she’s left with something different: she has to sit with what happened. And when there is maturity, that can lead to reflection.



But This Only Works With Maturity

This is important. This approach is not a universal solution. There are women who, in the heat of the moment, lose themselves and later come back, and there are women who never come back.

You need to know the difference.

If there is no reflection, no softening, and no awareness afterward, then you are not dealing with a moment—you are dealing with a pattern. And continuing to offer calmness into that pattern does not fix it. It sustains it.



This Takes Practice

None of this is easy. In the moment, your body is activated, your instincts are to defend or counterattack, and the pressure to respond is real. Staying calm and clear under those conditions is a skill, and like any skill, it takes practice.

You won’t do it perfectly. You’ll take the bait sometimes. Everyone does. But over time, you begin to recognize the moment sooner—and respond differently.



Calm Is Not Weakness

One of the challenges today is that this kind of steadiness is often misunderstood. Calmness is labeled as avoidance, logic as cold, and non-reactivity as disengagement. But those labels often miss something essential:

There is a difference between withdrawal and discipline.

I saw this growing up. Men who could sit with intensity, listen without collapsing, and respond without heat. They didn’t always fix things in the moment, but they didn’t make them worse either—and that mattered more than we realized.

As a man, you likely have strengths in logic, calmness, and clarity. These natural masculine qualities have been steadily undermined and, at times, openly shamed by feminists and modern cultural currents. Don’t give them up—use them.



The Real Skill

The real skill is not dominance, and it’s not submission. It’s something far more difficult: clarity without reactivity.

Because clarity doesn’t escalate, and reactivity is what the conflict feeds on.



The Line You Don’t Cross

This is not about becoming endlessly patient. It’s not about absorbing attack indefinitely. At some point, a man has to recognize:

If my steadiness is never met with awareness—only more attack—then I am no longer helping the relationship.

That’s where a different kind of strength is required—the willingness to stop participating in a pattern that does not change.



Final Thought

You can’t force someone to see themselves clearly. But you can refuse to cloud the mirror.

And sometimes, when you do that, they come back and see it on their own.

Men are good, as are you.

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