MenAreGood
Understanding Men
Testosterone, It Starts Early
January 03, 2024
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Understanding Men is a series of articles and videos that progressively explain the many natural factors that help us see men in a realistic light.  Today's world is filled with negative spin on men and masculinity and this has done great harm to men and boys.  That harm is amplified by the media and the educational systems ignoring an abundance of research knowledge that reveals what is driving healthy masculinity and healthy manhood.  This series digs into that research and clinical observations and offers it for your consideration. Understanding Men will be open to all subscribers and will not require a paid subscription.  If you would like to support my work that would be great but not a necessity.  Look for it each Wednesday. Men are good!

 We start with Testosterone.

In order to understand men and boys you must understand testosterone. This section will give you a good start in beginning to appreciate the importance of testosterone to boys and men.  It starts before you were born. This is an excerpt from my book for mothers about their boys.

It Starts Early

The differences between boys and girls start very early. In fact they start the first day of life. Research has shown that infant boys are more likely to attend to an object or a mobile while infant girls are more likely to attend to a human face.1 But why this difference so shortly after birth? With no socialization to influence boys or girls at day one how is it that there might be differences? This is where we need to back up about 6 or 7 months.

THE TESTOSTERONE FLOOD


At approximately 8-24 weeks in utero most boys receive what is called a testosterone flood. This sudden increase in testosterone has multiple consequences. One consequence is that these raised levels of testosterone change the brain of the baby. The default brain is the female brain or what researcher Simon Baron-Cohen calls the “relational” or “empathic” brain.2 This relational brain is built to focus more on empathy, nurturing and relationships. Without the testosterone flood we would all have this relational brain, but with the flood, the brain starts to develop into what researchers call the male brain or what Baron-Cohen calls the “systemizing brain.” This male brain has a different set of strengths. It prefers to focus on systems: what makes them tick, what removing one piece might do to the whole, what a simple change in one part might do to another, the joy of building it piece by piece or taking it apart. Think Legos. Can you remember little boys spending hours upon hours with Legos? I bet you can. I would also bet that you might remember a similarly aged little girl that loved Legos in about the same way. And here is where things get interesting. It turns out that a small percentage of females also get an increase in testosterone in utero and develop what researchers call male brains.3 The girls who get this testosterone tend to be much less interested in traditionally feminine sorts of things, they would rather play rough and climb trees and spend hours with Legos. They tend to feel more happy being with the boys and they will often reject ostensibly female things. What we know now is that these young ladies are unique as girls at least in part because they got this extra testosterone and it is this pre-natal testosterone that is playing a part. I’m sure you have known some of these girls before; we call them “Tom Boys.”

It’s important to note that there is also a small percentage of boys who do not get this testosterone flood and therefore have a more “female” brain. These are the boys that are easier for moms to understand. They are more like mom and their way of being in the world is more like mom is used to. If you have a son like this (and if you have a “female brain”) you may be close due to your similarity. This is the young man that makes the mom wonder why her other sons can’t be like that.

Researchers have been able to identify those boys and girls who experienced this extra testosterone and they have studied these boy’s and girl’s behaviors and personalities as they have gotten older. What they have found is that those with greater testosterone levels in utero are more likely to want to play with “boy” toys like trucks and things that move. They are more likely to be more active, aggressive and competitive, less interested in traditionally feminine things and less interested in infants and nurturing behaviors.4,5 Those with lower levels of testosterone are more likely to have more interest in dolls and playing house, to be more interested in nurturing and in sharing secrets and personal data, and to prefer to play with a single friend or two, rather than with a larger group. Of course parents have been seeing these differences for a long time but likely assumed these differences were based solely on socialization, not on biology. Now we know differently. There are many factors that impact our differences.

A good deal of research is being done on the testosterone flood and how it influences children. As of 2020, scientists are confident about four connected differences from this flood. These are the boy-typical play behaviors, the increased chance of early aggressive behavior, influence on the core sexual identity and an impact on sexual orientation.6 There are other differences that are being studied but the strength of connection has yet to be proven for these.

What does this tell us? It suggests that your son, if he had the testosterone flood, will probably like to play in a way that most boys like to play, he may be interested in masculine play and be turned off by feminine activity. He will likely be attracted to females when he matures and he may be aggressive at times.

Our personalities are impacted by our biology even before we are born. This goes against common knowledge that our socialization is the only determinant to our ways of being. This is false. Our prenatal testosterone is just one biological factor and it impacts us in a profound manner. This testosterone flood has what biologists call “organizational” qualities. That is, the testosterone organizes the brain in certain patterns, literally changing the brain’s structure.7 These patterns make up what is being called the male brain. In addition to testosterone’s organizational qualities it also sensitizes receptor cells in the brain to be more reactive so that later in life the bodies of the boys and girls who received this flood will be more reactive to testosterone. This is called testosterone priming. Lastly, testosterone has what scientists call activational qualities. These are more transient and non- permanent effects on an already developed nervous system. This is what most of us think of when we think of hormones and the way they work. We get a squirt of this or that hormone and our bodies react accordingly.

Prenatal testosterone is not the only time when there is a surge in testosterone within boys’ bodies. A second surge of testosterone happens shortly after baby boys are born. Some scientists are calling this the “Mini Puberty.”8 This surge lasts between the first to third month of life (and sometimes longer) and is being studied now to get a sense of what impact it might have on these young boys. This surge is considerably easier to study since direct measurements of the testosterone can be made on a regular basis and do not depend on the blood levels of the pregnant mother or the testosterone levels in the amniotic fluid.

And, of course, there is the flood of testosterone that we are all familiar with, when boys reach puberty and once again their bodies are flooded with testosterone, about ten times the levels of testosterone that their sisters experience.

SYSTEMIZING

Let's take just a minute to examine what is meant by the systemizing brain that seems to result from the testosterone flood. This systemizing brain prefers to focus on systems. But when we say systems, what do we mean? These systems might be about anything with an input and an output. An example might be a machine like a car. It has numerous driver “inputs” like steering, braking, and accelerating. Change one of the inputs and the system changes. Learning how these inputs change the outputs is learning the system. A mainframe computer would be a more complex example. Or take a simpler example like Legos, there are a multitude of ways to attach the pieces, different colors, and different shapes. Learning the system is learning how to manipulate the inputs to get the output you might want. Another system might be swinging a baseball bat. The swing itself is a system. Learning the different parts of the swing, learning how to adjust that swing, and various different ‘inputs” the ball player could use to get the desired outputs is a system. Systems can even be as simple as a phonebook where names and numbers are connected or as complex as a philosophy. Our worlds are filled with systems.

WHAT WE TALK ABOUT

An easy way to get a sense of this difference in the systemizing brain and the empathic brain is to think for a moment about the topics of conversations of your sons and of your daughters. What sorts of things do your sons like to talk about? I would bet that they talk about systems or competing, and sometimes both. Talking about video games is talking about systems: input and output and which inputs bring success. Boys can talk about video games for hours. What was done, what worked, what didn’t, and all the gory details of the experience. (Of course they would prefer to play them and not talk.) I am willing to bet you have heard these conversations before. Discussing sports is another system: who is winning, what Team A needs to do to be more competitive against Team B, and on and on. The other piece is that in both these topics there is a likelihood that the discussion centered around competition. Who is first? Second? Last? Who is a level up and who is five levels behind? And this of course is a part of the system.

Now contrast this with the typical discussion you might hear with girls. Sure the girls might talk about sports or video games but it seems more likely they will talk about relationships. Who is their best friend, what are they doing together? Who will or won’t play with whom? Disclosing this or that personal data. Hearing about others’ relationships. This is what you are more likely to hear from your girls. Some girls, however, will love to talk about sports and some boys will be more interested in relationships. What we are talking about is not a predictor of behavior but is a way of observing it. You can’t say, “Because he is a boy, he will do this or that.” But you can simply observe how your child may or may not fit in with the differences we are describing and build a deeper understanding of their uniqueness. Once we observe we can see how this plays out in the lives of our children.

Excerpt from Helping Mothers Be Closer to Their Sons: Understanding the World of Boys pg 3-8

 

References

1. Connellan, Jennifer, Simon Baron-Cohen, Sally Wheelwright, Anna Batki, and Jag Ahluwalia. "Sex Differences in Human Neonatal Social Perception." Infant Behavior and Development 23.1 (2000): 113-18. Web.

2. Baron-Cohen, Simon. The Essential Difference: The Truth about the Male and Female Brain. New York: Basic, 2003. Print.

3. Ibid.

4. Hines, Melissa, Michaela Constantinescu, and Debra Spencer. "Early Androgen Exposure and Human Gender Development." Biology of Sex Differences 6.1 (2015): n. pag. Web.

5. Eaton, Warren O., and Lesley R. Enns. "Sex Differences in Human Motor Activity Level." Psychological Bulletin 100.1 (1986): 19-28. Web.

6. Ibid.

7. Arnold, A. "Organizational and Activational Effects of Sex Steroids on Brain and Behavior: A Reanalysis." Hormones and Behavior 19.4 (1985): 469-98. Web.

8. Alexander, Gerianne M. "Postnatal Testosterone Concentrations and Male Social Development." Frontiers in Endocrinology 5 (2014): n. pag. Web.

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Research: Feminist Hate is Real


I recently read a study titled “Women Who Hate Men: A Comparative Analysis Across Extremist Reddit Communities.” It caught my attention for an obvious reason: it attempts to examine something that is rarely acknowledged in mainstream research—the existence of hostility toward men. That alone makes it worth looking at.

To its credit, the study does arrive at an important conclusion. It finds that gender-based hostility online is not confined to one direction. Both misogynistic and misandric communities show similar patterns of negativity, and in some cases, the levels of expressed “hate” are comparable—or even higher—in feminist spaces. In fact, one of the more striking findings was that the mainstream Feminism subreddit, not the more radical GenderCritical group, showed the highest “hate” levels in the study’s user-level emotional analysis, while the incel group skewed more toward sadness. That’s not a small finding. For years, the dominant narrative has been that hostility flows primarily from men toward women, while negative attitudes toward men are either minimal, reactive, or insignificant. This study quietly challenges that assumption.

But as I read through the paper, I found myself struck by something else. The conclusion may be balanced, but the path getting there is not.



The Framing Is Not Neutral

One of the first things that stood out was how much time the paper spends describing the dangers women face from misogyny. There are detailed references to harassment, violence, abuse of female public figures, and the broader cultural impact of anti-female hostility.

But there is no parallel effort to explore the harms faced by men. There is little discussion of male victimization, little acknowledgment of anti-male stereotypes, and almost no examination of how cultural narratives might shape hostility toward men and boys. So even in a study that claims to look at both sides, the starting point is not neutral. It begins from a familiar position: misogyny is the established problem. Misandry is something newer, something less understood, something that needs to be “added” to the conversation. That framing matters because it subtly positions one form of hostility as primary and the other as secondary.



The “Manosphere” Problem

Another moment gave me pause. The paper describes the “manosphere” as:

“a network of websites and social media groups that promote misogynistic beliefs.”

That’s not a finding. That’s a definition, and definitions matter. If you begin by defining a category as misogynistic, then study that category, you are not really testing whether it is misogynistic. You have already assumed the answer.

Now, to be fair, some spaces within what is often called the “manosphere” are openly hostile. Anyone who has spent time online knows that. But the term itself is broad. It includes a wide range of spaces—some focused on anger, yes, but others focused on fatherhood, men’s mental health, legal concerns, relationships, or simply trying to make sense of a changing world. To define all of that as inherently misogynistic collapses important distinctions. It turns a complex landscape into a single, pre-labeled category, and once that happens, the analysis begins to feel circular.



Reaction or Expression?

As I continued reading, I noticed something more subtle. Feminist spaces in the study are often framed—implicitly—as reacting to misogyny. The idea seems to be that negative attitudes toward men are, at least in part, a response to harm. That may sometimes be true, but it is not something the study actually tests.

Interestingly, the data itself complicates that assumption. When the researchers looked at emotional patterns—particularly expressions of “hate”—the feminist subreddit showed some of the highest levels at the user level. That’s a striking finding, because it suggests that hostility toward men is not always merely reactive. It can be active. It can be sustained. And in some cases, it may be as intense as the hostility it is presumed to respond to. The study reports this, but it does not fully grapple with what it means.



The Problem with Measuring “Hate”

The paper relies heavily on computational tools to measure toxicity and emotion. That’s understandable. Large datasets require some kind of automated analysis. But these tools have limits. They tend to detect what we might call explicit hostility—insults, threats, and dehumanizing language.

What they struggle to capture is something more subtle: generalized suspicion, moral framing, one-sided narratives about harm, and the steady pathologizing of a group. Hatred does not always announce itself clearly, and it does not always use harsh words. Sometimes it sounds like concern. Sometimes it sounds like analysis. Sometimes it even sounds like virtue. And that kind of hostility can be harder to measure—but no less real.



The Charts That Don’t Quite Clarify

I’ll admit something simple as well: the charts didn’t help much. There were clusters of colors, distributions, and visual patterns—but very few clear numbers that would allow a reader to easily compare groups. How much more hate? How much less? It was difficult to say.

The visuals looked scientific, but they didn’t always make the findings clearer. They gave an impression of precision without always delivering clarity.



An Important Step—But Not the Whole Picture

So where does that leave us? I do not think this is a bad study. In some ways, it is an important one. It takes a step that many researchers have been unwilling to take. It acknowledges that hostility toward men exists, that it can be measured, and that it should not be ignored. That matters.

At the same time, the study reflects the broader environment in which it was produced—an environment that still tends to treat men as the default source of harm, and women’s hostility as something more contextual, more explainable, or more justified. Because of that, the analysis feels uneven. The conclusion points toward balance, but the framing leans away from it.

And that, to me, is the most revealing part of all. The study is valuable not only for what it finds, but for what it unintentionally exposes about the culture surrounding the research itself.


The Deeper Issue

In the end, what struck me most is this: we are beginning to see evidence that hostility toward men is real and measurable, but we are still not willing to face it directly—not with the same seriousness, the same clarity, the same moral urgency, or the same willingness to question the stories we have been telling ourselves for decades.

If researchers truly want to understand gendered hostility, they cannot stop with fringe Reddit communities. They need to look at the media, the schools, the therapeutic world, public health messaging, and other major cultural institutions and ask a very simple question: Who is being portrayed as dangerous? Who is being treated as defective? Who is being blamed, pathologized, mocked, feared, or morally downgraded? Men or women?

That would be a far more revealing study. Because the most powerful forms of hatred are not always loud, crude, or obvious, and they are not always found in anonymous online forums. Sometimes they are found in respectable institutions. Sometimes they are taught in classrooms, repeated in headlines, embedded in therapy language, or smuggled into public discourse under the cover of compassion and progress.

And that is precisely what makes them so powerful. When contempt for men is framed as insight, when suspicion of men is framed as wisdom, and when the steady belittling of men is framed as moral sophistication, it becomes very difficult even to name what is happening.

Until we are willing to examine that honestly, we will keep misunderstanding the problem. We will keep measuring only the crudest forms of hate while ignoring the more polished and socially approved forms. We will keep pretending that hostility toward men is mostly reactive, incidental, or harmless, when in many settings it has become normalized.

And when a culture cannot honestly recognize the contempt it directs at half the human race, it does not become more just. It becomes more blind.

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April 09, 2026
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Men Aren’t Broken—Just Misread.
And that misunderstanding is damaging marriages, boys, fathers, therapy, and the workplace


For years now, we have been told that men need to become more open about their emotions. They need to talk more, reveal more, cry more, and process more directly. We hear this so often that it has taken on the status of settled truth. But almost no one asks the more unsettling question: what if many men have been emotionally present all along, but in ways our culture has failed to recognize? What if the real problem is not that men lack emotional depth, but that male emotional life is so often judged by female standards?

That question matters far more than most people realize. It matters in marriage, where a good man can be called emotionally unavailable simply because he does not process out loud. It matters in families, where boys are corrected for the very ways they regulate hurt, fear, and stress. It matters in schools, where male behavior is more likely to be treated as a problem to be managed than a difference to be understood. It matters in therapy, where men often discover that healing is quietly defined in ways that fit women better than men. It matters at work, where “emotional intelligence” can become a polished-sounding way of rewarding female-style expression and penalizing male reserve. It matters in the courts as well, where fathers can be misjudged because their love does not always arrive in the approved emotional form.

Again and again, men and boys are judged not by the depth of their feeling, but by the style of its expression. And the style most often treated as healthiest is often simply the female style. That is not a criticism of women. Women have every right to their own ways of feeling and expressing. The problem is that our culture has quietly taken one pattern of emotional life and turned it into the universal standard. Once that happens, men and boys are almost guaranteed to be misunderstood.

A man can love deeply, care intensely, lose sleep over conflict, and still be called emotionally shut down. A boy can feel grief, fear, shame, and tenderness, and still be seen as emotionally underdeveloped because he runs, jokes, wrestles, or goes quiet instead of talking it through. A father can pour his heart into his children through protection, practical devotion, guidance, and steady presence, and still be treated as emotionally secondary because he does not narrate his love in therapeutic language. That is not insight. It is a profound failure of recognition.


The marriage damaged by a false interpretation

I once worked with a couple whose marriage was in serious trouble. The wife was convinced her husband had little real emotional depth. Her evidence was familiar enough: he did not talk much, he did not process in real time, and he often went quiet during arguments. She felt alone, unmet, and unseen. As she described him, he sat there saying very little. To most observers, he would have looked exactly like the stereotype of the emotionally unavailable husband.

But when I got to know him better, a different picture emerged. After their conflicts, he would lie awake at night replaying every word. He worried deeply about her. He thought constantly about how to make things better. He held back in the moment because he knew that speaking too quickly often made the conflict worse. So he retreated inward, trying to understand what he felt before he spoke. He was not emotionally absent. He was emotionally cautious. He was not unfeeling. He was flooded. But because his distress did not take the form she recognized, it was translated into indifference.

This is where many relationships begin to fail. She wants immediate verbal connection because that is how she experiences emotional engagement. He goes inward because that is how he tries to organize emotional overload. She experiences his inward turn as abandonment. He experiences her pursuit as pressure, criticism, or emotional intrusion. The more she pushes, the more he withdraws. The more he withdraws, the more frightened or furious she becomes. Soon both are suffering, and both believe the other is the problem. But sometimes the deepest problem is simpler than that. Male emotional processing is being judged through a female lens, and two decent people end up trapped inside a misunderstanding.


The boy who is pathologized for normal boyhood

The same thing happens to boys, often from a very young age. A boy is energetic, physical, playful, impulsive, competitive, less verbally demonstrative, and inclined to work things out through movement, action, humor, mock conflict, and short cycles of upset and recovery. For most of human history, much of this would have been recognized as ordinary boyhood. Today it is often viewed with suspicion. He is too active, too rough, too defended, too inattentive to feelings, too quick to move on, too external, too much.

But much of the time what adults are seeing is not pathology. It is male-pattern emotional regulation. Many boys process discomfort through movement, challenge, joking, rough-and-tumble contact, temporary withdrawal, activity, and doing. I have seen boys laugh after getting hurt and watched adults interpret that as emotional shallowness, when often the laughter was simply a way of keeping the pain from overwhelming them. I have seen boys respond to disappointment by getting louder, more physical, or more active, only to be treated as if they had no inner life at all.

A girl who cries openly is often seen as emotionally healthy and in touch. A boy who grabs a ball, heads outside, goes silent, gets restless, or hides his distress behind humor is more likely to be seen as avoidant or emotionally blocked. That is not neutral observation. It is interpretive bias. We recognize female forms of distress more readily, and we recognize female forms of self-soothing more readily as well. We are more likely to view those forms as healthy, mature, and emotionally literate. Male forms are more likely to be treated as immaturity, dysfunction, or disorder. The message many boys receive, whether openly or indirectly, is a painful one: not only are your feelings a problem, but the very way you carry your feelings is a problem too. That is a brutal thing to teach a child.


The father whose love is invisible because it is practical

One of the deepest losses in all of this is our failure to recognize male love when it arrives through action. A mother comforts a hurting child with words and empathy, and we call that love, rightly so. A father takes the child for a drive, shows him how to fix something, throws a ball with him, sits beside him quietly, makes the home feel steady, and communicates care through protection, guidance, practical help, and dependable presence. Too often we call that something else. We call it less emotional.

But it is not less emotional. It is simply less verbal and less theatrical. Many fathers love through doing, through steadiness, through creating safety, through shared activity, and through showing up again and again. I have known fathers who worried constantly about their children and barely spoke of it. Fathers who carried heartbreak in silence while remaining steady for everyone around them. Fathers who poured love into daily acts of guidance, support, sacrifice, and reliability. Because they did not present that love in the approved emotional style, much of it went unseen.

That is not wisdom. It is a form of cultural illiteracy. A society that can no longer recognize male love unless it is translated into female emotional language is a society that has lost sight of something vital in fatherhood itself.


The workplace where bias wears the mask of enlightenment

The same dynamic now appears in professional life. “Emotional intelligence” can refer to something real and worthwhile. Self-awareness matters. Awareness of others matters. Emotional self-control matters. None of that is in dispute. But in practice, the term is often used in highly subjective ways. A man may be calm under pressure, perceptive about group tensions, fair-minded, difficult to rattle, and unusually good at maintaining perspective in conflict. Yet he may still be judged as lacking because he is not verbally expressive, not highly demonstrative, or not especially skilled at broadcasting emotional cues in the preferred style.

What is being measured in many workplaces is not emotional intelligence broadly understood. It is emotional style. And the style often being rewarded is more female-typical: visible emotional signaling, relational fluency, warmth display, and verbal processing. That means male restraint can be interpreted as coldness. Male caution can be read as distance. Male steadiness can be mislabeled as lack of empathy. Male problem-solving can be reframed as emotional avoidance. In this way, a cultural preference disguises itself as a moral virtue. A man can be downgraded not because he is interpersonally incompetent, but because he does not perform emotionality in the way evaluators most easily recognize. This is one of the more effective forms of bias because it comes wrapped in the language of progress.


The therapy room where men are taught to distrust their own path

This problem may be most painful in therapy. A man comes to therapy grieving, traumatized, depressed, or overwhelmed. He is already taking a risk. He is already doing something difficult. But often it does not take long before he senses that healing is supposed to look a certain way. He is expected to talk in a certain rhythm, disclose in a certain style, and move toward feeling in a certain order. If he needs silence before words, that may be called avoidance. If he thinks before he speaks, that may be called detachment. If he processes through walking, building, fixing, working, reflecting, or simply being alone for a while, that may be interpreted as resistance rather than understood as his actual path.

I have seen this for years. Many men are willing to heal, but they are often asked to heal in forms that do not fit them. A grieving man may not need to sit face-to-face and narrate everything immediately. He may need to build a memorial bench. He may need to work in his wife’s garden. He may need long walks, long silences, or practical acts that allow feeling to move through him without being forced into premature language. That is not failed grieving. It is often male grieving. But instead of being understood, many men leave therapy feeling that even their attempt to survive is somehow wrong.

Think about how tragic that is. A man comes in already wounded and then receives a second wound: shame about the way he is coping. Many men suffer not only from pain itself, but from the belief that the form their pain takes is itself evidence of deficiency.


The family story that gets told wrong

These misunderstandings often begin inside families. One child is called “the sensitive one” because she cries, talks, and seeks comfort in recognizable ways. Another child, often a boy, is called distant, hard, or difficult because he grows quiet, gets irritable, becomes restless, or disappears into activity. But often the so-called difficult child is feeling every bit as much, sometimes more. He is simply less readable to the adults around him.

So his distress gets mislabeled. He is treated as a behavior problem rather than a hurting person. He is corrected more than understood, managed more than known. And that family story can follow him for life. Not the hurting one. Not the overwhelmed one. Not the child trying desperately to regulate himself in the only way he knows. The difficult one.

There is a quiet cruelty in that. Many men grow up not necessarily feeling unloved, but feeling unseen. People responded to the surface form of their coping and missed the depth of what they were carrying.


What this misunderstanding costs us

When men are misread, the damage spreads everywhere. Good relationships are needlessly broken. Boys are shamed for normal male ways of handling emotion. Fathers are diminished. Men are judged unfairly at work. Therapy alienates the very men it claims to help. Families build false narratives about sons and husbands. And men themselves begin to internalize the accusation. They start to wonder whether they really are stunted, distant, or emotionally deficient, not because they feel less, but because they feel differently.

To be clear, this does not mean every male pattern is healthy. Men can avoid. Men can numb. Men can become defended and unreachable. Of course they can. But that is not the point. The point is that our culture has become so accustomed to treating female-pattern expression as the gold standard that it often cannot distinguish difference from dysfunction. And that confusion is doing immense harm.

Emotional depth and emotional style are not the same thing. A man can care deeply and still need silence. A boy can feel intensely and still recover through movement. A father can love powerfully and still show it more through action than words. A man can be heartbroken and still cope through work, humor, problem-solving, solitude, or responsibility. Those patterns do not automatically reveal emotional poverty. They may reveal a male way of carrying emotional life.


What would change if we finally understood this?

A wife might stop assuming her husband’s silence means he does not care. A mother might begin to see that her son’s joking is not shallowness but self-protection. A teacher might stop mistaking boyhood for pathology. A therapist might stop trying to turn men into women in order to call them healthy. A manager might learn the difference between emotional competence and emotional style. A court evaluator might begin to recognize that a father’s steadiness, reliability, and practical devotion are not lesser forms of love. And men themselves might stop feeling ashamed of the ways they have carried pain all their lives.

That would not be a small change. It would be the beginning of seeing men more clearly. Because until that changes, we will keep damaging good men, good boys, and good relationships. We will keep mistaking difference for deficiency. We will keep confusing female-pattern emotionality with emotional health itself. And we will keep calling that wisdom, when much of the time it is nothing more than ignorance with good manners.

Men and boys are good. As are you.

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April 06, 2026
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They Took Away Recess—And Then Wondered Why Boys Struggled


For years, schools have acted as though more learning comes from more sitting, more compliance, more desk time, and more control.

But children do not learn best by being treated like machines.

And boys, especially, often do not thrive when movement, noise, spontaneity, and unstructured play are stripped from the school day.

One of the revealing things about modern education is how casually it has pushed recess aside. What was once understood as a normal and necessary part of childhood is now often treated as expendable—a frill, a reward, or a distraction from the “real work” of school. But the research points in the opposite direction. Recent reviews continue to find that recess is associated with academic and cognitive benefits, behavioral and emotional benefits, physical benefits, and social benefits. The strongest modern claim is not that recess is a magic cure for every school problem, but that it helps children function better and does so without harming academic achievement.

That matters for all children.

But it matters in a special way for boys.

Not because girls do not need recess. They do. But many boys are more movement-driven, more physically expressive, and more likely to regulate themselves through action. A school culture built around prolonged stillness can turn normal boyhood into a problem to be managed. Then, when boys struggle under those conditions, the system acts as though the flaw lies in the boy rather than in the environment. Recent research continues to find sex differences in recess physical activity, with boys on average being more physically active during recess than girls.


Recess Is Not Separate From Learning

One of the most persistent myths in education is the idea that recess takes time away from learning.

The better way to say it is this: recess helps make learning possible.

The brain cannot sustain focused attention indefinitely. Children need a break in cognitive demand. They need contrast. They need a change in setting, activity, and pace in order to come back ready to concentrate again. That is one reason the evidence on recess remains so steady. Newer reviews find positive effects especially in behavior and classroom functioning, while finding either positive or neutral effects on academic outcomes rather than academic harm. The CDC’s current guidance likewise says recess supports students’ mental, emotional, and physical well-being.

That fits ordinary human experience.

Many of us remember exactly what recess did for us. You got outside. You ran. You played. You argued over the rules. You laughed. You blew off steam. Then you came back into the classroom feeling more alive and more ready to focus.

That was not wasted time.

That was recovery time for the brain, and practice time for life.


The Overlooked Power of Unstructured Play

This is the part too many adults miss.

Recess is not valuable only because children move their bodies. It is valuable because, at its best, it gives children unstructured play.

And unstructured play is one of the great training grounds of childhood.

In the classroom, adults set the agenda. Adults decide what matters. Adults define the rules, the timing, the task, the outcome, and the acceptable behavior. In physical education, the same thing usually happens. But during recess, children often have to organize themselves. They have to decide what to play, how to play it, who goes first, what counts as fair, what to do when someone cheats, and how to keep the game going when conflict arises.

That is not trivial.

That is where children learn to negotiate, cooperate, improvise, resolve conflict, advocate for themselves, accept limits, and sometimes lead. Reviews of unstructured play and playground play consistently describe benefits in children’s decision-making, problem-solving, emotional regulation, peer interaction, resilience, and creativity. Even when researchers note that freedom can sometimes bring more visible conflict or disruptive behavior, that is not necessarily evidence against play. It is often part of the process by which children learn how to handle themselves and one another.

In other words, recess is one of the few places left in childhood where children get to practice self-government.

They learn how to make a world with other children in it.

They learn how to form rules, bend rules, defend rules, repair ruptures, and keep a shared activity alive without adults hovering over every move.

That is deeply educational.

In some ways, it is more educational than much of what passes for education now.


Why This Matters So Much for Boys

For many boys, recess is not just pleasant. It is regulatory.

A school day built around silence, sitting, verbal restraint, and passivity fits some children far better than others. Boys who are high-energy, physically expressive, or inclined to think through movement are often treated as though they are defective learners rather than differently wired learners. Recess gives those boys something they genuinely need: a chance to move, reset, experiment, compete, collaborate, and return with a better chance of succeeding in the classroom.

The newer research does not justify saying that only boys benefit from recess, or that every boy benefits more than every girl. That would be too broad. But it does support saying that recess is especially important for many movement-oriented children, and that boys, on average, tend to be more physically active during recess. That alone should make us cautious about cutting away one of the few parts of the school day that so clearly fits the needs of many boys.

And this is where the larger cultural issue enters.

For a long time now, schools have been moving toward a model of childhood that rewards the qualities girls more often display in classroom settings: stillness, verbal compliance, behavioral neatness, and early self-containment. The more schools define those qualities as the norm, the more ordinary boy behavior gets framed as a disruption.

Then schools remove recess, narrow the outlets for movement, and act surprised when boys do worse.

That is not insight.

That is a setup.


High-Performing Systems Do Not All Worship Seat Time

One of the assumptions behind cutting recess is that more time in class must automatically mean more learning.

But that assumption has never been as obvious as administrators pretend.

Countries such as Japan, Korea, and Finland have shown that academic success does not depend on keeping children seated for as many minutes as possible. On PISA 2022, Japan and Korea both outperformed the United States across math, reading, and science, while Finland outperformed the United States in math and science. In some of these countries, children may get as much as fifteen minutes of recess for every hour of instruction. That does not prove recess alone explains their success. Many factors shape educational outcomes. But it does call into question a deeply held assumption—that the way to improve learning is to take movement, play, and reset time away from children.

The deeper point is not that America should copy another country mechanically.

It is that high-performing systems do not all treat children as if the road to excellence is endless confinement.

Some of them appear to understand a truth we have forgotten: children need rhythm. They need intensity and release. Focus and reset. Work and play.


The Case for Recess Is Stronger Than It Looks

One reason recess has been easy to cut is that adults often think of it as optional. It sounds soft. It sounds unserious. It sounds like something schools can sacrifice in the name of rigor.

But the evidence does not point that way.

Recent reviews continue to find benefits in behavior, social functioning, physical activity, and well-being, with either positive or neutral effects on academics. The American Academy of Pediatrics’ policy on recess was reaffirmed in 2023, and it argues that recess should be considered a necessary break in the school day for optimizing a child’s social, emotional, physical, and cognitive development—not something to be withheld for punishment or extra academic drills. CDC guidance likewise continues to support recess and points schools toward evidence-based strategies rather than retreat from it.

That is worth pausing over.

The mainstream evidence base is not saying, “Recess is a luxury, but maybe a nice one.”

It is saying something much closer to this: recess supports healthy child development, improves important aspects of school functioning, and should not be casually taken away.


What We Need to Recover

We need to recover some sanity here.

Children are not improved by endless management.

They are not made healthier, wiser, or more teachable by removing one of the few parts of the day that allows them to move freely, improvise socially, and reset their minds.

And boys should not be treated as defective girls.

If a school system is built in ways that pathologize normal boyhood, then that system should be questioned. If it keeps cutting away the very things that help many boys regulate and engage, then it should not be surprised when boys disengage, resist, or fall behind.

Recess is not a distraction from education.

It is part of education.

Not because it is sentimental.

Because it is developmental.

Because it supports attention, behavior, social learning, and physical well-being.

Because unstructured play teaches things adults cannot easily teach from the front of the room.

And because one of the simplest ways to help boys in school may be to stop taking away one of the few parts of school that still makes sense to them.

Read.
Write.
Arithmetic.
And recess.

That is not a joke.

That is closer to wisdom than much of what passes for reform.

Men are good, as are you.

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