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Using Research to Push a Narrative
October 03, 2024
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Using Research to Push a Narrative

There’s a noticeable trend in research about men and women that often tells only part of the story. A prime example is domestic violence studies that falsely claim women are the sole victims, while ignoring men’s experiences. This happens in other areas too—like reproductive coercion, teen violence, healthcare, and others. Women’s troubles are spotlighted, while men’s are overlooked. Once you see this pattern, it’s hard to unsee it.

In this post, we’ll look at a study published in July of 2024, that employs a similar strategy—not by lying, but by omission. The researchers present only the part of the story that supports the narrative they want to push. And in this case, it’s clear.

___________________________

I came across a media article about boys and threats to their masculinity. From the picture below that  accompanies the article, I anticipated some dramatic findings on violence or hostility. 

 

The research claimed to investigate adolescent boys' responses to threats to their masculinity. Here's a quick summary of the study:

The study was simple. 207 boys, ages 10-14, were given two quizzes—one on stereotypically feminine topics like flowers, makeup, and dresses, and one on masculine topics like tools, guns, and cars. Regardless of their actual scores, the control group was told they had scored high on the masculine test and were congratulated. The boys in the experimental group, however, were told they scored well on the feminine quiz but poorly on the masculine one. In other words, they were told they were more like the girls—meant as a threat to their masculinity. The boys then took a third quiz, a word completion test designed to measure their level of aggression. The parents took a series of questionnaires to assess their parenting.

The researchers aimed to see if this perceived threat would spark aggression. (One might also ask if the boy's aggression might be sparked simply because they were lied to. After all, they probably were well aware that they knew more about guns and cars than makeup and dresses.)

This type of response has been studied before and has been identified as "threat vigilance," a common reaction to status threats among men and boys, often linked to testosterone levels. Studies show that when a male's status is challenged, he is more likely than a female to respond aggressively, partly due to higher testosterone. However, prepubescent boys typically don't display this aggression, as they have not yet reached the higher testosterone stage of life. Curiously, despite examining what appears to be this same phenomenon, the study in question makes no mention of the previous research about threat vigilance. As we will later discover, the researcher was aware of this concept but chose not to include it in the study.

The media article I first read didn't mention threat vigilance or even mention testosterone, though it's a key factor in this type of research. Thinking I might have missed something, I searched for other articles on the study and found many—but still, no mention of testosterone in any of the articles.

What I did find were media portrayals showing angry, hostile boys, even though the researchers themselves didn’t claim the boys were violent.

 

Here's a quote that appeared in many of the articles: “Beyond just aggression, manhood threats are associated with a wide variety of negative, antisocial behaviors, such as sexism, homophobia, political bigotry, and even anti-environmentalism,” said the researcher, Adam Stanaland. Wait, what? How did we jump from threats to status to sexism, homophobia, political bigotry, and even anti-environmentalism? This felt like a massive leap, though it's worth noting the researchers didn’t directly say boys were violent. It seems the media exaggerated that part as seen in the photos, and I doubt the researchers did much to correct it.

Somewhat confused about this, I decided to find the actual study and read it. Testosterone was mentioned—once—in the limitations section, suggesting that future studies could explore its role. This made no sense, given that existing research clearly links testosterone to threat vigilance and status defense. This puzzled me and I was determined to find out what was going on so I wrote to the researcher with some questions.  He got right back to me and we carried on a conversation.  He was a very nice fellow and I do appreciate his initially taking the time to field my questions.  The sense I got was that he was interested in pushing the "it's all about socialization" ideas.  I looked  up his history and his graduate work was done at Duke University and he was a member of the Duke "Identity and Diversity Lab" for 5 years. The name says it all.  I think my assumptions were pretty close.  He was likely to follow the ideas that socialization is the most critical element of human development.  

 

When I asked him, "Isn't threat vigilance related to testosterone levels?" he responded: “Basal testosterone and aggression are certainly related, but here our focus was figuring out whether a social mechanism (i.e., typicality/masculinity threat) could also cause aggression among adolescent boys (as it does among men), as well as when/why.”

In other words, he didn’t answer the question.  He acknowledged the biological link but chose to focus only on the social aspect. To me, this is like studying a car engine but only looking at the spark plug and ignoring fuel, air, and combustion. A well-rounded study would acknowledge that both testosterone (biological) and socialization play important roles. Omitting one side feels like an intentional way to push a narrative.

I asked the researcher again if he was aware of studies showing testosterone’s role in threat vigilance, and he responded: “Yes, I’m familiar with the complex role between testosterone, threat vigilance, status-seeking, and aggression. My previous explanation was all to say that there is definitely a biological component to aggression, but our results provide evidence that there is also a notable social component.”

Basically, he’s saying, "Yes, testosterone matters, but we’re focusing on the social side." And that’s how narratives are built, by telling only a part of the story. Unfortunately, this study—like many others—implies that boys could be “fixed” if only they were taught to be less aggressive when their masculinity is threatened. But this ignores the biological factor. Once boys hit puberty, higher testosterone levels biologically predispose them to defend their status. Yet, this crucial piece of information is left out of the conversation.

Puberty

The study focused on 10-14 year old males from pre-puberty through mid- and late-puberty stages. The researchers made several statements that highlighted their views on puberty, including this one:

"We contend that puberty represents a developmental shift in boys' psychological relationship with societal definitions of their gender."

The researchers acknowledged that puberty is an important factor in these behaviors, but what does puberty primarily signal? It highlights the increase in testosterone levels in young males. However, the researchers never mention testosterone. Instead, they describe puberty like this:

"We contend that puberty represents a developmental shift in boys' psychological relationship with societal definitions of their gender. Puberty causes boys to recognize themselves—their bodies, their relationships, and so forth—as being adult-like, which means they must now contend with newly discovered societal expectations of manhood: a precarious status that is earned, can be lost, and is only regained by conforming to rigid norms, such as aggression."

Their interpretation suggests that boys, upon recognizing their maturing bodies, must now face "societal prescriptions about manhood." The focus here is entirely on socialization, asserting that boys must conform to rigid societal norms. There's no mention of testosterone—it's all framed around societal pressures, leaving biological factors out of the discussion entirely.

The Word Completion Test

Another issue I had with this study was their method of measuring aggression: a word completion test. The boys were asked to fill in blanks like "GU_" (which could be "gum" or "gun") and "_UNCH" (which could be "punch" or "lunch"). The number of aggressive words chosen supposedly indicated their level of aggression.  I find it hard to believe this test accurately measures aggression, but the researcher assured me it had been validated in other studies.  It seems to me that they are taking a cognitive response and then expecting that cognition to predict an actual behavior.  Seems wonky to me.  I was fairly new to the word completion tests and poked around a bit and found that there is considerable controversy about this.  As there should be. 

I continue to think this is a very weak indicator but the study got magazines to print pics like this based on choosing gun rather than gum:

 
 

These pictures, like the other pictures in this post, imply not only aggressiveness but hostility.  Seems like a jump to me.  There is a big difference between aggressively defending your status, which is what threat vigilance does, and overt hostility or violence.  Looks like they are trying to imply the later.  But this is what the media wants.  Give them some research that shows the men and boys are aggressive and they will put violence on the front page.  Whatever happened to the word assertive which is similar to aggressive?  I think assertive might be a better word for men defending their status.  Their defense in some cases might get aggressive but the norm might be simply responding to the challenge in a strong, rational, and assertive manner.

The Sample 

The sample used in the study also raised some questions. Nearly 90% of the parents involved were mothers, and more than two-thirds were single parents. This is far above the national average for single-parent households, which hovers around 20-25%. Research shows that boys raised by single mothers are more likely to exhibit aggression, yet the study doesn’t address how this may have influenced the findings.

"Regarding the parents themselves, 87.4% identified as women (mothers) and 12.6% were men (fathers). Most parents were the sole primary caretaker of the participant (68.6%) or shared caretaking responsibilities equally with another person (30.0%)." 

I asked the researcher about the chances of a biased sample due to the large number of single mothers and here is what he said:

"I’m not sure that it’s fair to say that our sample comprising a majority of mothers is "strong indication that [we] had a biased sample.” Research has shown that although dads are more involved now in their child’s caregiving than they used to be, moms are still vastly overrepresented (hyperlink) as the child’s primary caretaker. It makes sense, then, that our sample would comprise more mothers than fathers—i.e., it’s representative and not biased (in fact, a sample with half mothers and half fathers would be biased against the reality of parenting in the U.S.)." 

Maybe so, but he doesn't address the over-abundance of single mothers in the sample and how that is far from the norm for parenthood in the US today. I  specifically pointed out the single mothers issue and he simply avoided it and focused on mothers doing the majority of child care.  The link he provided was not about single mothers, it seemed to be about two parent families.  If he had 87% mothers in his sample and they were all from two parent families, then that would be a different story.  But that was not the case.  It was 87% mothers and 2/3rds single parents.  This tells us that it is likely most of those mothers were single parents.  A predominance of single mothers should be a red flag, but not in his view.  Could the excess of single mothers have had an impact on the findings?  I do wonder.

Framing Parents as the Problem

One key takeaway from the study was that boys from conservative, less wealthy families with parents teaching “hegemonic masculinity” were more aggressive in response to the threat. The tool used to assess this was the Male Role Norms Inventory, which includes statements like these:

  • Men should know how to fix cars.

  • Men should be physically tough.

  • It would be awful if a man enjoyed dressing like a woman.

  • A man should be able to fix most things around the house.

  • A man should always be the boss.

  • Men should lead their household.

  • A man should always be ready for sex.

If the parents score high on this questionnaire they are assumed to be teaching their boys to be "hegemonic".  Hegemonic is seen as something bad. It's meant to say that men are controlling and dominant.   It comes from the writing of R. Connell who some time ago became a transwoman.  Many academics seem to find Conell's book as the essential word in Masculinities. The parts I have read seem highly anti-male.  Connell's book brought a great deal of change into the research on men where many of his ideas were unceremoniously and artificially planted into studies like in the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (CMNI).  I did a report on the CMNI and the very suspect manner that it was developed with a focus on how Connell's ideas magically appeared.  You can see that one here.

The researchers seemed to focus on the parental pressure (hegemonic attitudes) as being a prime motivator for the boy's aggressive responses.  They titled that variable pressured motivation (PM).  When reading the media articles it seemed that this parental pressure was being portrayed as being a large part of the reasons for the aggressive responses. This would lend credence to the idea that boys could be fixed if parents would just stop teaching them to be hegemonic males.  But wait a minute.  The PM variable (parental pressure) when paired with the threat variable (the word completion test) only had a significance score of p=.835.  Usually a score of .05 or below is considered to be significant so this one was far off the mark.  But they also had a variable that indicated the Degree of Puberty for the Boys (PDS) which showed that the only boys to appear aggressive in response to the word completion were boys who were in mid to late puberty.  When that PDS variable was paired with the threat variable (the word completion test) it came up with a score of p=.095.  Still not considered significant but surely more significant than the parental pressure variable.  When both the PM and the PDS were paired with the threat variable, voila!  They get a significance of <.001. 

Simply put, the data suggest that puberty (and its associated changes) has a stronger influence on the boys' aggression than social pressure alone.  This reinforces the idea that biological factors, like testosterone, may be important drivers for these aggressive responses, even if the study didn’t say so directly.

If puberty is so closely linked to aggression, and testosterone is one of the primary hormones behind puberty, doesn’t it stand to reason that testosterone might be a key factor? The fact that the puberty variable shows a stronger effect than pressured motivation only strengthens the argument that the biological side of adolescence is critical here.

 

One does tend to wonder if defending one’s status as a male is such a bad thing as it is being portrayed in this research.  There are some good reasons for it.  Men are reinforced and rewarded for independence and for their ability to protect.  Being seen as independent and able to protect is a part of the male hierarchy. But in a highly gynocentric atmosphere these once highly valued traits are framed in a negative manner. If you think about it, maybe the boys who failed to defend their status are actually the ones who need help?  

Conclusion

In the end,  I never got answers to all my questions. It’s been a month and a half since the researcher stopped responding, but I’m left thinking this study was designed to push a particular narrative, one that minimizes biological factors and highlights social ones. This leaves people pushed towards the narrative that boys can be fixed (and be more like the girls) if only the parents and the culture would stop teaching them to be aggressive.

It’s true that research often focuses on a specific, narrow aspect of psychology. I’ve read many studies that follow this pattern. However, in those studies, there was always a section that reviewed previous research on the topic and acknowledged earlier work in the field. This study, unfortunately, did not do that at all.

But there’s something important that can be gleaned from this study that even the researchers missed: pre-puberty boys didn’t respond aggressively to threats to their masculinity. This strongly suggests that puberty—and by extension, testosterone—is key to understanding these behaviors. Yet testosterone was never discussed in any meaningful way.

Just as an engine needs both a spark and fuel to run, adolescent boys’ aggressive responses to threats to their masculinity likely involve both social triggers and biological factors like testosterone. By including both in the analysis, we can move beyond a one-dimensional explanation and start to understand the complex interplay of factors that drive behavior during this critical period of development.

In the end, it’s not just about what makes the engine run — it’s about understanding all the components that come together to make it work smoothly. And when it comes to adolescence, testosterone is a big part of that equation.

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Men Aren’t Broken—Just Misread.
And that misunderstanding is damaging marriages, boys, fathers, therapy, and the workplace


For years now, we have been told that men need to become more open about their emotions. They need to talk more, reveal more, cry more, and process more directly. We hear this so often that it has taken on the status of settled truth. But almost no one asks the more unsettling question: what if many men have been emotionally present all along, but in ways our culture has failed to recognize? What if the real problem is not that men lack emotional depth, but that male emotional life is so often judged by female standards?

That question matters far more than most people realize. It matters in marriage, where a good man can be called emotionally unavailable simply because he does not process out loud. It matters in families, where boys are corrected for the very ways they regulate hurt, fear, and stress. It matters in schools, where male behavior is more likely to be treated as a problem to be managed than a difference to be understood. It matters in therapy, where men often discover that healing is quietly defined in ways that fit women better than men. It matters at work, where “emotional intelligence” can become a polished-sounding way of rewarding female-style expression and penalizing male reserve. It matters in the courts as well, where fathers can be misjudged because their love does not always arrive in the approved emotional form.

Again and again, men and boys are judged not by the depth of their feeling, but by the style of its expression. And the style most often treated as healthiest is often simply the female style. That is not a criticism of women. Women have every right to their own ways of feeling and expressing. The problem is that our culture has quietly taken one pattern of emotional life and turned it into the universal standard. Once that happens, men and boys are almost guaranteed to be misunderstood.

A man can love deeply, care intensely, lose sleep over conflict, and still be called emotionally shut down. A boy can feel grief, fear, shame, and tenderness, and still be seen as emotionally underdeveloped because he runs, jokes, wrestles, or goes quiet instead of talking it through. A father can pour his heart into his children through protection, practical devotion, guidance, and steady presence, and still be treated as emotionally secondary because he does not narrate his love in therapeutic language. That is not insight. It is a profound failure of recognition.


The marriage damaged by a false interpretation

I once worked with a couple whose marriage was in serious trouble. The wife was convinced her husband had little real emotional depth. Her evidence was familiar enough: he did not talk much, he did not process in real time, and he often went quiet during arguments. She felt alone, unmet, and unseen. As she described him, he sat there saying very little. To most observers, he would have looked exactly like the stereotype of the emotionally unavailable husband.

But when I got to know him better, a different picture emerged. After their conflicts, he would lie awake at night replaying every word. He worried deeply about her. He thought constantly about how to make things better. He held back in the moment because he knew that speaking too quickly often made the conflict worse. So he retreated inward, trying to understand what he felt before he spoke. He was not emotionally absent. He was emotionally cautious. He was not unfeeling. He was flooded. But because his distress did not take the form she recognized, it was translated into indifference.

This is where many relationships begin to fail. She wants immediate verbal connection because that is how she experiences emotional engagement. He goes inward because that is how he tries to organize emotional overload. She experiences his inward turn as abandonment. He experiences her pursuit as pressure, criticism, or emotional intrusion. The more she pushes, the more he withdraws. The more he withdraws, the more frightened or furious she becomes. Soon both are suffering, and both believe the other is the problem. But sometimes the deepest problem is simpler than that. Male emotional processing is being judged through a female lens, and two decent people end up trapped inside a misunderstanding.


The boy who is pathologized for normal boyhood

The same thing happens to boys, often from a very young age. A boy is energetic, physical, playful, impulsive, competitive, less verbally demonstrative, and inclined to work things out through movement, action, humor, mock conflict, and short cycles of upset and recovery. For most of human history, much of this would have been recognized as ordinary boyhood. Today it is often viewed with suspicion. He is too active, too rough, too defended, too inattentive to feelings, too quick to move on, too external, too much.

But much of the time what adults are seeing is not pathology. It is male-pattern emotional regulation. Many boys process discomfort through movement, challenge, joking, rough-and-tumble contact, temporary withdrawal, activity, and doing. I have seen boys laugh after getting hurt and watched adults interpret that as emotional shallowness, when often the laughter was simply a way of keeping the pain from overwhelming them. I have seen boys respond to disappointment by getting louder, more physical, or more active, only to be treated as if they had no inner life at all.

A girl who cries openly is often seen as emotionally healthy and in touch. A boy who grabs a ball, heads outside, goes silent, gets restless, or hides his distress behind humor is more likely to be seen as avoidant or emotionally blocked. That is not neutral observation. It is interpretive bias. We recognize female forms of distress more readily, and we recognize female forms of self-soothing more readily as well. We are more likely to view those forms as healthy, mature, and emotionally literate. Male forms are more likely to be treated as immaturity, dysfunction, or disorder. The message many boys receive, whether openly or indirectly, is a painful one: not only are your feelings a problem, but the very way you carry your feelings is a problem too. That is a brutal thing to teach a child.


The father whose love is invisible because it is practical

One of the deepest losses in all of this is our failure to recognize male love when it arrives through action. A mother comforts a hurting child with words and empathy, and we call that love, rightly so. A father takes the child for a drive, shows him how to fix something, throws a ball with him, sits beside him quietly, makes the home feel steady, and communicates care through protection, guidance, practical help, and dependable presence. Too often we call that something else. We call it less emotional.

But it is not less emotional. It is simply less verbal and less theatrical. Many fathers love through doing, through steadiness, through creating safety, through shared activity, and through showing up again and again. I have known fathers who worried constantly about their children and barely spoke of it. Fathers who carried heartbreak in silence while remaining steady for everyone around them. Fathers who poured love into daily acts of guidance, support, sacrifice, and reliability. Because they did not present that love in the approved emotional style, much of it went unseen.

That is not wisdom. It is a form of cultural illiteracy. A society that can no longer recognize male love unless it is translated into female emotional language is a society that has lost sight of something vital in fatherhood itself.


The workplace where bias wears the mask of enlightenment

The same dynamic now appears in professional life. “Emotional intelligence” can refer to something real and worthwhile. Self-awareness matters. Awareness of others matters. Emotional self-control matters. None of that is in dispute. But in practice, the term is often used in highly subjective ways. A man may be calm under pressure, perceptive about group tensions, fair-minded, difficult to rattle, and unusually good at maintaining perspective in conflict. Yet he may still be judged as lacking because he is not verbally expressive, not highly demonstrative, or not especially skilled at broadcasting emotional cues in the preferred style.

What is being measured in many workplaces is not emotional intelligence broadly understood. It is emotional style. And the style often being rewarded is more female-typical: visible emotional signaling, relational fluency, warmth display, and verbal processing. That means male restraint can be interpreted as coldness. Male caution can be read as distance. Male steadiness can be mislabeled as lack of empathy. Male problem-solving can be reframed as emotional avoidance. In this way, a cultural preference disguises itself as a moral virtue. A man can be downgraded not because he is interpersonally incompetent, but because he does not perform emotionality in the way evaluators most easily recognize. This is one of the more effective forms of bias because it comes wrapped in the language of progress.


The therapy room where men are taught to distrust their own path

This problem may be most painful in therapy. A man comes to therapy grieving, traumatized, depressed, or overwhelmed. He is already taking a risk. He is already doing something difficult. But often it does not take long before he senses that healing is supposed to look a certain way. He is expected to talk in a certain rhythm, disclose in a certain style, and move toward feeling in a certain order. If he needs silence before words, that may be called avoidance. If he thinks before he speaks, that may be called detachment. If he processes through walking, building, fixing, working, reflecting, or simply being alone for a while, that may be interpreted as resistance rather than understood as his actual path.

I have seen this for years. Many men are willing to heal, but they are often asked to heal in forms that do not fit them. A grieving man may not need to sit face-to-face and narrate everything immediately. He may need to build a memorial bench. He may need to work in his wife’s garden. He may need long walks, long silences, or practical acts that allow feeling to move through him without being forced into premature language. That is not failed grieving. It is often male grieving. But instead of being understood, many men leave therapy feeling that even their attempt to survive is somehow wrong.

Think about how tragic that is. A man comes in already wounded and then receives a second wound: shame about the way he is coping. Many men suffer not only from pain itself, but from the belief that the form their pain takes is itself evidence of deficiency.


The family story that gets told wrong

These misunderstandings often begin inside families. One child is called “the sensitive one” because she cries, talks, and seeks comfort in recognizable ways. Another child, often a boy, is called distant, hard, or difficult because he grows quiet, gets irritable, becomes restless, or disappears into activity. But often the so-called difficult child is feeling every bit as much, sometimes more. He is simply less readable to the adults around him.

So his distress gets mislabeled. He is treated as a behavior problem rather than a hurting person. He is corrected more than understood, managed more than known. And that family story can follow him for life. Not the hurting one. Not the overwhelmed one. Not the child trying desperately to regulate himself in the only way he knows. The difficult one.

There is a quiet cruelty in that. Many men grow up not necessarily feeling unloved, but feeling unseen. People responded to the surface form of their coping and missed the depth of what they were carrying.


What this misunderstanding costs us

When men are misread, the damage spreads everywhere. Good relationships are needlessly broken. Boys are shamed for normal male ways of handling emotion. Fathers are diminished. Men are judged unfairly at work. Therapy alienates the very men it claims to help. Families build false narratives about sons and husbands. And men themselves begin to internalize the accusation. They start to wonder whether they really are stunted, distant, or emotionally deficient, not because they feel less, but because they feel differently.

To be clear, this does not mean every male pattern is healthy. Men can avoid. Men can numb. Men can become defended and unreachable. Of course they can. But that is not the point. The point is that our culture has become so accustomed to treating female-pattern expression as the gold standard that it often cannot distinguish difference from dysfunction. And that confusion is doing immense harm.

Emotional depth and emotional style are not the same thing. A man can care deeply and still need silence. A boy can feel intensely and still recover through movement. A father can love powerfully and still show it more through action than words. A man can be heartbroken and still cope through work, humor, problem-solving, solitude, or responsibility. Those patterns do not automatically reveal emotional poverty. They may reveal a male way of carrying emotional life.


What would change if we finally understood this?

A wife might stop assuming her husband’s silence means he does not care. A mother might begin to see that her son’s joking is not shallowness but self-protection. A teacher might stop mistaking boyhood for pathology. A therapist might stop trying to turn men into women in order to call them healthy. A manager might learn the difference between emotional competence and emotional style. A court evaluator might begin to recognize that a father’s steadiness, reliability, and practical devotion are not lesser forms of love. And men themselves might stop feeling ashamed of the ways they have carried pain all their lives.

That would not be a small change. It would be the beginning of seeing men more clearly. Because until that changes, we will keep damaging good men, good boys, and good relationships. We will keep mistaking difference for deficiency. We will keep confusing female-pattern emotionality with emotional health itself. And we will keep calling that wisdom, when much of the time it is nothing more than ignorance with good manners.

Men and boys are good. As are you.

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April 06, 2026
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They Took Away Recess—And Then Wondered Why Boys Struggled


For years, schools have acted as though more learning comes from more sitting, more compliance, more desk time, and more control.

But children do not learn best by being treated like machines.

And boys, especially, often do not thrive when movement, noise, spontaneity, and unstructured play are stripped from the school day.

One of the revealing things about modern education is how casually it has pushed recess aside. What was once understood as a normal and necessary part of childhood is now often treated as expendable—a frill, a reward, or a distraction from the “real work” of school. But the research points in the opposite direction. Recent reviews continue to find that recess is associated with academic and cognitive benefits, behavioral and emotional benefits, physical benefits, and social benefits. The strongest modern claim is not that recess is a magic cure for every school problem, but that it helps children function better and does so without harming academic achievement.

That matters for all children.

But it matters in a special way for boys.

Not because girls do not need recess. They do. But many boys are more movement-driven, more physically expressive, and more likely to regulate themselves through action. A school culture built around prolonged stillness can turn normal boyhood into a problem to be managed. Then, when boys struggle under those conditions, the system acts as though the flaw lies in the boy rather than in the environment. Recent research continues to find sex differences in recess physical activity, with boys on average being more physically active during recess than girls.


Recess Is Not Separate From Learning

One of the most persistent myths in education is the idea that recess takes time away from learning.

The better way to say it is this: recess helps make learning possible.

The brain cannot sustain focused attention indefinitely. Children need a break in cognitive demand. They need contrast. They need a change in setting, activity, and pace in order to come back ready to concentrate again. That is one reason the evidence on recess remains so steady. Newer reviews find positive effects especially in behavior and classroom functioning, while finding either positive or neutral effects on academic outcomes rather than academic harm. The CDC’s current guidance likewise says recess supports students’ mental, emotional, and physical well-being.

That fits ordinary human experience.

Many of us remember exactly what recess did for us. You got outside. You ran. You played. You argued over the rules. You laughed. You blew off steam. Then you came back into the classroom feeling more alive and more ready to focus.

That was not wasted time.

That was recovery time for the brain, and practice time for life.


The Overlooked Power of Unstructured Play

This is the part too many adults miss.

Recess is not valuable only because children move their bodies. It is valuable because, at its best, it gives children unstructured play.

And unstructured play is one of the great training grounds of childhood.

In the classroom, adults set the agenda. Adults decide what matters. Adults define the rules, the timing, the task, the outcome, and the acceptable behavior. In physical education, the same thing usually happens. But during recess, children often have to organize themselves. They have to decide what to play, how to play it, who goes first, what counts as fair, what to do when someone cheats, and how to keep the game going when conflict arises.

That is not trivial.

That is where children learn to negotiate, cooperate, improvise, resolve conflict, advocate for themselves, accept limits, and sometimes lead. Reviews of unstructured play and playground play consistently describe benefits in children’s decision-making, problem-solving, emotional regulation, peer interaction, resilience, and creativity. Even when researchers note that freedom can sometimes bring more visible conflict or disruptive behavior, that is not necessarily evidence against play. It is often part of the process by which children learn how to handle themselves and one another.

In other words, recess is one of the few places left in childhood where children get to practice self-government.

They learn how to make a world with other children in it.

They learn how to form rules, bend rules, defend rules, repair ruptures, and keep a shared activity alive without adults hovering over every move.

That is deeply educational.

In some ways, it is more educational than much of what passes for education now.


Why This Matters So Much for Boys

For many boys, recess is not just pleasant. It is regulatory.

A school day built around silence, sitting, verbal restraint, and passivity fits some children far better than others. Boys who are high-energy, physically expressive, or inclined to think through movement are often treated as though they are defective learners rather than differently wired learners. Recess gives those boys something they genuinely need: a chance to move, reset, experiment, compete, collaborate, and return with a better chance of succeeding in the classroom.

The newer research does not justify saying that only boys benefit from recess, or that every boy benefits more than every girl. That would be too broad. But it does support saying that recess is especially important for many movement-oriented children, and that boys, on average, tend to be more physically active during recess. That alone should make us cautious about cutting away one of the few parts of the school day that so clearly fits the needs of many boys.

And this is where the larger cultural issue enters.

For a long time now, schools have been moving toward a model of childhood that rewards the qualities girls more often display in classroom settings: stillness, verbal compliance, behavioral neatness, and early self-containment. The more schools define those qualities as the norm, the more ordinary boy behavior gets framed as a disruption.

Then schools remove recess, narrow the outlets for movement, and act surprised when boys do worse.

That is not insight.

That is a setup.


High-Performing Systems Do Not All Worship Seat Time

One of the assumptions behind cutting recess is that more time in class must automatically mean more learning.

But that assumption has never been as obvious as administrators pretend.

Countries such as Japan, Korea, and Finland have shown that academic success does not depend on keeping children seated for as many minutes as possible. On PISA 2022, Japan and Korea both outperformed the United States across math, reading, and science, while Finland outperformed the United States in math and science. In some of these countries, children may get as much as fifteen minutes of recess for every hour of instruction. That does not prove recess alone explains their success. Many factors shape educational outcomes. But it does call into question a deeply held assumption—that the way to improve learning is to take movement, play, and reset time away from children.

The deeper point is not that America should copy another country mechanically.

It is that high-performing systems do not all treat children as if the road to excellence is endless confinement.

Some of them appear to understand a truth we have forgotten: children need rhythm. They need intensity and release. Focus and reset. Work and play.


The Case for Recess Is Stronger Than It Looks

One reason recess has been easy to cut is that adults often think of it as optional. It sounds soft. It sounds unserious. It sounds like something schools can sacrifice in the name of rigor.

But the evidence does not point that way.

Recent reviews continue to find benefits in behavior, social functioning, physical activity, and well-being, with either positive or neutral effects on academics. The American Academy of Pediatrics’ policy on recess was reaffirmed in 2023, and it argues that recess should be considered a necessary break in the school day for optimizing a child’s social, emotional, physical, and cognitive development—not something to be withheld for punishment or extra academic drills. CDC guidance likewise continues to support recess and points schools toward evidence-based strategies rather than retreat from it.

That is worth pausing over.

The mainstream evidence base is not saying, “Recess is a luxury, but maybe a nice one.”

It is saying something much closer to this: recess supports healthy child development, improves important aspects of school functioning, and should not be casually taken away.


What We Need to Recover

We need to recover some sanity here.

Children are not improved by endless management.

They are not made healthier, wiser, or more teachable by removing one of the few parts of the day that allows them to move freely, improvise socially, and reset their minds.

And boys should not be treated as defective girls.

If a school system is built in ways that pathologize normal boyhood, then that system should be questioned. If it keeps cutting away the very things that help many boys regulate and engage, then it should not be surprised when boys disengage, resist, or fall behind.

Recess is not a distraction from education.

It is part of education.

Not because it is sentimental.

Because it is developmental.

Because it supports attention, behavior, social learning, and physical well-being.

Because unstructured play teaches things adults cannot easily teach from the front of the room.

And because one of the simplest ways to help boys in school may be to stop taking away one of the few parts of school that still makes sense to them.

Read.
Write.
Arithmetic.
And recess.

That is not a joke.

That is closer to wisdom than much of what passes for reform.

Men are good, as are you.

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March 27, 2026
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When Schools Teach Children to Dislike Boys
How healthy male traits get recoded as disruption—and how teachers may help turn classmates against playful boys



When Schools Teach Children to Dislike Boys

How healthy male traits get recoded as disruption—and how teachers may help turn classmates against playful boys

There is a painful possibility that few people want to consider.

What if many boys are not failing school?

What if school is failing boys?

Not because boys cannot learn. Not because boys are less capable. Not because boys are defective.

But because many of the traits most natural to boys are now viewed through a lens of suspicion.

Energy becomes hyperactivity.
Rough play becomes aggression.
Humor becomes immaturity.
Nonconformity becomes pathology.
Spontaneity becomes disruption.

In other words, healthy boyhood is increasingly being interpreted as a problem.

And once that happens, boys do not simply get corrected more often. They get socially downgraded. Their standing falls. Their confidence falls. Their sense of belonging falls. And, as some research suggests, adults may even help teach other children to see them negatively.

That is a very serious matter.


The deeper issue is not just schools. It is culture.

Schools do not invent these attitudes out of thin air. They reflect the broader culture. And for many years now, masculinity itself has been treated as suspect.

Male energy is often spoken of as dangerous.
Male aggression is discussed as if it has no healthy form.
Male spaces have steadily disappeared or been delegitimized.
Fatherhood has been culturally minimized.
Normal male assertiveness is frequently recast as toxicity.

When a culture repeatedly sends the message that masculinity is something to fear, schools absorb that message too.

So when boys show up as boys—active, physical, funny, impulsive, competitive, loud, resistant to passivity—they are not always seen as healthy male children in need of guidance.

Too often, they are seen as little problems to be managed.


Boys are often at a disadvantage before the lesson even begins

The research here is striking.

A broad review of teacher-student relationship studies found that teachers report more conflict with boys than with girls, and that female teachers report less closeness with boys than with girls. That means many boys are entering school environments in which they are more likely to experience friction and less likely to experience warmth. (pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov)

Another study looking at kindergarten and first grade found that girls experienced more teacher closeness than boys across both school years, while boys with disruptive behavior tended to experience more conflict with teachers than comparable girls. (sciencedirect.com)

That should have set off alarm bells.

Imagine the public reaction if the research had shown that teachers consistently felt closer to boys and more distant from girls. There would have been outrage. But when boys are the ones receiving less closeness and more conflict, the culture mostly shrugs.


The traits many teachers prefer do not sound much like boys

One older but revealing line of research found that teachers tended to prefer students who were described as rigid, conforming, orderly, dependent, passive, and acquiescent. (https://www.jstor.org/stable/20151346)

That list is worth pausing over.

Rigid.
Conforming.
Orderly.
Dependent.
Passive.
Acquiescent.

That is not a portrait of lively development. It is a portrait of easy classroom management.

And it does not sound much like the average healthy boy.

Many boys are more physically restless, more impulsive, more rough-and-tumble, less naturally compliant, and more likely to regulate themselves through movement and action. That does not make them broken. It makes them boys. But if the school environment quietly rewards passivity above vitality, then many boys will end up being treated as if their very nature is inconvenient.


The playful boys study should have changed this conversation

One of the most revealing studies on this issue looked at children identified as especially playful.

These children were not mean, antisocial, or emotionally disturbed. They were marked by five very positive qualities: physical spontaneity, social fluidity, cognitive spontaneity, manifest joy, and a sense of humor. In plain language, they were energetic, socially fluid, imaginative, enthusiastic kids who enjoyed laughing and could take a joke. (frontiersin.org)

And here is what makes the findings so important: other children generally liked these playful kids. They were seen as popular. They were preferred playmates. Their peers did not initially experience them as disruptive or problematic. (frontiersin.org)

There were also equal numbers of playful girls and playful boys.

That matters.

It means the later negative reaction cannot simply be explained by “playfulness” alone. There were playful girls too.

But the teachers did not respond to the boys and girls in the same way.

The playful boys were the ones increasingly seen as disruptive. The playful boys were the ones who acquired the “class clown” label. The playful girls did not receive the same negative response, even though they were equally playful. (frontiersin.org)

That is one of the most important parts of this research because it makes the double standard harder to deny.

The issue was not merely playful behavior.

The issue was playful boys.


The word the researchers used was “antipathy”

The researchers did not use mild language.

They wrote that “one of the most significant discoveries of the study was the antipathy held by teachers for playful boys from the earliest primary grade.” (frontiersin.org)

Antipathy means a deep-seated dislike or aversion.

That is a stunning word to find in research about young boys who were characterized by joy, humor, spontaneity, imagination, and social vitality.

Other children liked them.

The ​teachers often did not.

That should trouble anyone who cares about children.

Because once an adult repeatedly communicates irritation, contempt, or aversion toward a child, the issue is no longer simple discipline. The adult is helping define that child socially. The child begins to feel it. Other children begin to absorb it. A reputation forms. A role gets assigned.

This boy is fun.
This boy is too much.
This boy is a nuisance.
This boy is the problem.

That is how shame begins.


What happened by third grade is chilling

The most disturbing finding came next.

In first and second grade, the playful children were still generally seen positively by their peers. But by third grade, the playful boys experienced a dramatic reversal. The children began drawing a sharp distinction between playful boys and playful girls, and the playful boys came to be seen as the least preferred playmates and as having the lowest social status.

Think about how serious that is.

These boys had not suddenly become cruel.

They had not become dangerous.

They had not changed into bad children.

What changed was the way they were being seen.

And the researchers strongly suspected that teachers had helped cause that shift, directly and indirectly shaping both the boys’ self-perceptions and the perceptions of their classmates.

That means an adult’s bias may have helped take boys who were initially popular and turn them into social liabilities.

That is not a minor classroom issue.

That is the manufacturing of rejection.


This starts to look like relational aggression against boys

I have spent decades as a therapist, and emotionally abusive systems often work in a very particular way: they turn people against one another. They poison perceptions. They shape alliances. They quietly designate one person as the problem and then let the group do the rest.

When I read this research, I see something disturbingly similar.

Teachers do not have to announce their bias openly for children to absorb it. Children are exquisitely sensitive to adult cues. They notice who gets warmth, who gets annoyance, who gets repeated correction, ​who gets eye rolls, who gets labeled, who gets the benefit of the doubt, and who does not.

Over time, children learn how to rank each other accordingly.

So when a teacher repeatedly treats playful boys as irritating or disruptive, the other children are not blind to that. They learn from it. They internalize it. And in this case, they appear to have acted on it.

That is why this is so serious.

The boys were not merely disciplined.

They were socially reclassified.


Boys are too often being judged as defective girls

This is, in many ways, the heart of the problem.

Boys are often measured against a behavioral ideal that fits girls more comfortably, and then penalized when they do not match it.

Need for movement? Problem.
Need for rough play? Problem.
Less verbal style? Problem.
High energy? Problem.
Resistance to passive conformity? Problem.
Humor under pressure? Problem.

At some point we have to ask a basic question:

What if many boys being labeled are not disordered at all?

What if they are simply boys in an environment that has become increasingly unfriendly to boyhood?

That does not mean boys need no discipline. Of course they do. Boys need guidance, structure, accountability, and mentoring. They need adults who can shape their energy, not shame it.

But shaping is not the same as pathologizing.

And guidance is not the same as contempt.


Many men remember exactly when this began

I suspect many men reading this will recognize something here.

They can remember the moment when their energy stopped being seen as vitality and started being seen as trouble.

They can remember the feeling that the girls were “right” and they were “wrong.”

They can remember being funny one year and “disruptive” the next.

They can remember realizing that being a boy felt, somehow, politically incorrect.

A great many boys were not crushed by open cruelty.

They were crushed by chronic misreading.

And that may be one of the most damaging things schools do.

Because once a boy starts to believe that his natural way of being is unwelcome, he often begins to pull back from school, from learning, and sometimes even from himself.


We should stop asking what is wrong with boys and start asking what is wrong with the lens through which we view them

The real issue here is not whether boys need to grow up well. Of course they do.

The real issue is whether adults can still recognize healthy masculinity when they see it.

Can they recognize exuberance without calling it pathology?
Can they recognize roughness without calling it danger?
Can they recognize humor without calling it deviance?
Can they recognize a playful boy without turning him into a problem?

Until we can do that, boys will continue to pay the price for adult confusion.

And many already have.



Research

Barnett, L. A. (2018). The Education of Playful Boys: Class Clowns in the Classroom. This is the playful boys study, including the findings on teacher antipathy, the different treatment of playful boys and playful girls, and the reversal in peer attitudes by third grade. (frontiersin.org)

Spilt, J. L., Koomen, H. M. Y., & Jak, S. (2012). Are boys better off with male and girls with female teachers? This review found that teachers report more conflict with boys, and that female teachers report less closeness with boys than girls. (pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov)

Horn, E. P., et al. (2021). Trajectories of teacher-child relationships across kindergarten and first grade. This study found girls experienced more closeness with teachers than boys across both school years. (sciencedirect.com)

Schlosser, L. (1980). Sex, Behavior, and Teacher Expectancies. This cites the teacher-preference traits: rigid, conforming, orderly, dependent, passive, and acquiescent. (jstor.org)

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