MenAreGood
3 Leveraging and Weaponizing Gynocentrism
July 16, 2024
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The first post in this series offered an exercise to help understand the presence of your own gynocentrism. You can see that one here. The second detailed the many different ways that gynocentrism functions in our world, from relationships to legislators, courts, and beyond. This post will be in two parts. The first part will examine how women have used gynocentrism in relationships by leveraging their gynocentric advantage to influence their male partners. The second part will explore the lethal weaponization of gynocentrism by feminists.

 

Men and Gynocentrism

To understand this process, it's essential to examine how men are influenced by gynocentrism. Testosterone drives men to seek status, which is crucial in attracting women as mates. Higher status means more reproductive choices. Because of this, men strive to impress women to earn their admiration, working hard to prove their high status. Men seek women's approval and avoid their disapproval, as both impact their perceived status. This is driven by biological imperatives.

Equally significant is the social conditioning over thousands of years, where men are taught to prioritize providing for and protecting women. From a young age, cultural norms emphasize respecting and supporting women, reinforcing men's role as providers and protectors. These biological and social factors combine, creating a powerful, instinctual drive in men to support, protect, and demonstrate their value as capable problem-solvers and valuable assets to women.

But wait. Do women have a similar drive to do anything like this for men? I don't think so. While men try to impress women with status in order to gain reproductive access, women's strategy often involves working to be more attractive. The female-dominated cosmetics industry produces over $66 billion a year in products. For perspective, the combined incomes of the NFL, MLB, NHL, and NBA are about two-thirds of that amount ($45 billion).

Gynocentrism impacts both men and women in how they see and navigate the world, particularly in relationships. Let’s get started.

Getting What You Want

While men and women share many similar ways to get what they want in relationships, there are significant differences that start early. One research study by Michael Lewis showed that when 1-2-year-old boys and girls were separated from their mothers by a barrier, they had very different strategies to get back to their moms. The boys would try to knock down the barrier, while the girls would usually sit down and cry.1 These boys took an active strategy, while the girls chose a passive response.

Another example is the classic research of Savin-Williams,2 which showed that boys and girls employed very different strategies in forming hierarchies at a summer camp. The boys were aggressive and challenging each other both physically and verbally to quickly develop a hierarchy in the first couple of days. This told them who was on top and who was not. The girls were different. They were sweet to everyone for the first week but then began using passive relational aggressive techniques to form their own hierarchies. This included gossip, false accusations, selective inattention, and other modes to attain dominance in their group. The girls formed their hierarchies in a more passive and cloaked manner. One hallmark of relational aggression is that it is easily denied with statements like "I didn't mean it like that" or "I was just kidding." This is very different from overt aggression, which is difficult to deny.

We can't draw too many conclusions about these two studies and their impact on adult behaviors in relationships, but we can start to see a pattern. The boys take a direct route, including physical action and aggressiveness, while the girls took a more indirect or passive stance. In relationship troubles, men often take an active stance, usually logic/problem-solving based (what I think), while women are more likely to take a passive stance that is often emotion-based (what I feel/want). Importantly, the female emotional path is nearly always connected to gynocentrism. Yes, women have leveraged gynocentrism to get what they want in relationships.

These behaviors harness the power of gynocentrism to work in her favor. Here's an example:

She wants something, he says no, he doesn't think it's a good idea, and he offers his reasons why. She starts crying. What does this do? It puts him on alert that he is failing to provide/protect and meet her needs. It also shifts the discussion's focus from the topic at hand to her emotional reaction. Now, the focus is on helping her with her tears. Instead of being about the discussed topic, it is now about her! Her hope is that he will shift his position to aid her distress. This is not dissimilar to the 1-year-old girls who, when faced with an obstruction, would simply sit down and cry. What makes this strategy successful? It relies on gynocentrism. The man has an urge within that tells him he needs to meet her needs, to keep her safe and provided for. When it appears he is failing to meet those needs, it sets off warnings in his head that he is not fulfilling his mission. This can be a huge factor in his decision of what to do. Unless he is aware of this inner alarm, the danger is that he will act on it without thinking. He will therefore be much more likely to want to give her what she wants and to ignore his own logic and problem-solving, and his own needs.

But there is more that goes on when a woman's tears start flowing. It is doing more than just shifting the ground of the discussion to her needs. The tears have a direct impact on him. We have known for many years that a man's testosterone actually goes down when the woman cries!3 Women seem to be aware of the power of their tears and use them as needed. So it seems that men in an argument with their spouse can be at a distinct disadvantage both psychologically and physically. But the man still has his power and can still say no, even with the tears and the inner alarm. He can stick to his guns. In some ways, it's a fair fight.

Other ways for women to leverage gynocentrism include things like damseling. This is a strategy that makes one appear to be tied to the railroad tracks with the train coming! Help me quickly! I am in immediate need. Hurry. This strategy calls on the man to save her from some disaster. The tactic alerts him that this is something that needs his attention immediately. Again, the man feels the urge to save her, to keep her safe, and will leave his logic and problem-solving skills behind as he gives up on his own needs to save her from the disaster.

 

So, do men give up their own needs to satisfy their partner's upset? Yup. Anyone who fails to believe this should follow husbands in the midst of a difficult divorce. Time and again, I see some of these men giving away the farm to help their wives while they are left with very little. They are literally in a huge battle for resources, and he sometimes fails to consider his needs and instead wants to satisfy hers. In talking with these men afterward, they will often say something like, "I wanted to help her and to hope she realizes that I care." If one didn't understand the dynamic of gynocentrism and its impact on men, his actions would seem insane.

Emotional outbursts, flirting, emotional appeals, nagging, tantrums, and other forms of relational aggression are used to amplify and justify her need, and all of this is seen as important due to gynocentrism. The emotion alerts the man that she is in need. He senses his own desire to provide for her. The man will think that he is failing to provide and protect if she is left in need, or worse yet, others will find out he is not meeting her needs and will see him as deficient, and he will be publicly shamed.  Could this ever go in the opposite direction, with men using emotion to encourage the woman to give him what he wants? Probably much less often. Firstly, men are not generally allowed tender emotions, largely due to gynocentrism. He is the one who is responsible, and for him to appear emotional and needy is a cultural no-no. Secondly, she does not have the same urge to keep him safe and provided for. It simply wouldn't work. He knows it and won't try it. She knows that these tactics do work for her and also realizes that he has that inborn need to provide and protect her.

This dance between men and women has been going on for ages. Both men and women have found ways to navigate relationships with conflicts that have gynocentrism just beneath the surface. Again, in some ways, this is a fair fight.

Weaponizing Gynocentrism

But when does it stop being a fair fight? That's where the feminists come in. In the early 1970s, feminists began to weaponize gynocentrism. They understood the power of gynocentrism and started introducing pathological elements into the dynamic. Imagine a woman using damseling to get her way. Instead of sticking with the traditional damseling, which men have hundreds of years of experience handling, she starts pathologizing him for not agreeing with her. She implies there's something wrong with him if he disagrees; he must hate women (false accusation). The fight then changes from a disagreement to a question of his character. He gives in. This is the weaponization of gynocentrism. Responding or questioning her becomes forbidden and pathologized. He is declared hateful simply for having a differing point of view. Gynocentrism provides the feminist with a shield to hide behind as she makes overtly false accusations. This gynocentric shield is strong and effective because men are biologically and psychologically wired to provide for and protect women, not to attack them. (never hit a girl) If he attacks, it appears as evidence that her false accusation is accurate. The accusations bind him, preventing him from disagreeing due to his gynocentric need to hold women in high esteem. He can't be seen as a man who hates women. The next time this happens, she uses the same tactic, disallowing any disagreement and labeling him hateful if he disagrees. "No, I don't hate you. I love you. See, I will give you what you want." This is a beginning outline of feminist manipulations.

 

A feminist says, "Men are pigs." A man disagrees, saying that is not true. She responds, "You just don't understand; you could never understand since you are not a woman." He agrees he is not a woman but maintains that men are not pigs. She says, "If you can't see this, you must hate women!" The conflict shifts from whether men are pigs to the unwinnable arena of whether he hates women. It is nearly impossible to disprove a false accusation, but this man tries and ends up frustrated. He withdraws and stops talking with her. He has been successfully silenced. He now sees it is dangerous to disagree. His mission is to provide for and protect women, and he cannot afford to be outed as someone who willfully goes against that gynocentric law. It might make him look like he hates women.  This would be a huge drop in status.

This is what feminism has done on a global level. They have blamed men for nearly every problem a woman might experience, and if any man questions this, they accuse him of misogyny. Feminists believe they are always right, and any dissenting man is part of the patriarchy. When he protests, it is simple to label him a misogynist. All the while, the feminist claims victimhood on cultural, social, psychological, physical, and personal levels. Men are geared to help women who claim victimhood, putting him in a bind if he disagrees.

This kind of manipulation is not new. It has been around for many years. Peter Wright's excellent website gynocentrism.com offers extensive information on gynocentrism's workings. In one article, he quotes Belford Bax, an early anti-feminist writer, from his book "The Fraud of Feminism" (1913):

"Woman at the present day has been encouraged by a Feminist public opinion to become meanly aggressive under the protection of her weakness. She has been encouraged to forge her gift of weakness into a weapon of tyranny against man, unwitting that in so doing she has deprived her weakness of all just claim to consideration or even to toleration."

Bax points out that feminist women over 100 years ago were using this manipulative strategy to silence men. It is an extraordinarily devious yet simple tactic that takes advantage of men's desire to help and serve women. The end result is that men are hog-tied and left in a double bind. If he tells the truth, she will broadcast that he hates women. He can't risk that since it would ruin his reputation. And if he says nothing, she will continue her hate speech. Worse yet, if he agrees with her, then...

Bax said, "forge her gift of weakness into a weapon of tyranny against man." This sums things up. Gynocentrism offers women a facade of weakness that invites men to offer their help and aid. But that facade of weakness now works as a shield due to men's reluctance to "hit a girl." Feminists have been free to fire cannons of shame, blame, and disdain at men while hiding behind a shield of gynocentrism. Gynocentrism allows feminists to hurl damaging and hateful false accusations without hesitation while men are put into a bind that limits their ability to attack the false accusations. Men have many reasons not to fight back against these attacks. The next section will go into more detail about those reasons.

 
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Part 3: Consent, the Only Sexual Norm Left




Part 3: Consent, the Only Sexual Norm Left

Follow the public argument over the Cornell case, or almost any campus sexual assault case, and you’ll notice something. It turns on a single question: was there consent? Other moral questions about the same night barely come up. When someone raises them, they’re usually heard as irrelevant, or as blaming the victim.

Why is consent the only question we can see?

 

Three ideas, briefly

The Family Archetype is the moral logic of a family: protect the vulnerable, care before proof. The Society Archetype is the moral logic of public life: fair procedure, evidence before judgment, individuals responsible for what they did. Matrisensus is the family’s logic taking over public life. It treats groups as victims or villains, and it keeps those it sees as vulnerable innocent by placing all the guilt elsewhere.

 

Consent, and one other

Consent isn’t quite alone. One other sexual norm still gets attention: power. Universities ban relationships between professors and students even when both consent, and #MeToo focused heavily on bosses and subordinates. But power and consent have the same shape. Both put all the moral responsibility on one person’s conduct toward the other: the one who initiated, the one with more power, the one who didn’t get a clear yes.

 

What disappeared

The norms that have faded have the opposite shape. Dignity, sobriety, modesty, fidelity, prudence and self-respect are norms of self-governance. They ask what each person owes to herself, as well as to the other: Did I keep my judgment clear? Does this honor what sex is meant to be? Am I protecting my own worth?

For most of history, these norms did most of the work of sexual morality, and they applied to both people. They didn’t wait for harm and then assign blame. They shaped behavior beforehand, so harm was less likely.

 

Why only consent survives

Here’s the key. Consent is the only sexual norm that fits Matrisensus, because it’s the only one that keeps the protected person completely innocent.

A norm like sobriety or dignity can’t do that. It looks at the choices of the person Matrisensus wants to protect: what she drank, what she risked, what she agreed to. Even mentioning such a norm puts some responsibility on her, so the norm simply stops being seen. Nobody argues against it. It just becomes invisible. Consent passes the test perfectly. Whatever happened, the moral question becomes what the other person did to her. An ethics of consent alone is the only sexual ethics in which innocence and guilt always belong to different people.

There’s a second reason. Consent is the only sexual norm decided by feeling. Sobriety and fidelity are about what you do, which others can see. Consent is about an inner state: did she want it? No one else can check that, and it can be reassessed afterward, as feelings about a night change. When consent is the only standard, what an encounter meant is no longer fixed by what happened. It depends on how one person later feels about it.

And there’s an irony. Consent actually comes from the Society Archetype. It’s a kind of contract: a mutual agreement between adults, judged by what each did and said at the time, with each responsible for their part. What Matrisensus keeps is a version stripped of what made it fair. The mutual agreement becomes one person’s inner state, the time of agreement becomes any later moment, and the shared responsibility falls on one person.

 

How we got here

This isn’t mysterious. The sexual revolution rejected marriage, chastity, modesty and courtship as tools of control. Consent was what was left, because both sides of the new culture could accept it. For those who wanted freedom, it was the limit: anything goes between consenting adults. For those who wanted protection, it was also the limit: no harm without consent. Consent is where “anything goes” and “protect the vulnerable” meet.

 

Three levels of desire

It helps to see desire as working on three levels, each meant to guide the one below it. The first is appetite: wanting pleasure, comfort, recognition. The second is self-control: the desire for order and mastery over ourselves. The third is meaning: the desire for purpose and for contributing to something beyond ourselves. A healthy life doesn’t abolish appetite. It puts appetite under self-control, and self-control in service of meaning.

Consent is permission between two appetites. It lives entirely on the first level. The older sexual morality guided that appetite from both levels above. Chastity, sobriety, modesty and prudence belong to the second level: they’re practices of self-control. Dignity, fidelity and the sense that sex is sacred belong to the third. They place sex inside something larger than one night: a committed relationship, the beginning of families and generations, the worth of a person and not just her pleasure.

An ethics built on consent alone has thrown out both upper levels at once. Self-control is dismissed as repression, and meaning as superstition. What’s left is appetite, with nothing above it but permission.

 

What this costs

The older norms protected in advance. Staying sober, taking time, staying among friends, all made harm less likely before any question of permission came up. Consent only protects after the fact, by judging what went wrong. Women lost protective norms and were given a courtroom norm in their place.

Harms that aren’t consent violations — degradation, being used with your agreement at the time, the emptiness of a night both people regret — no longer have any moral language. The only way to name them is to call them a consent violation. So ambiguous encounters get forced into two boxes: assault, or nothing. That’s why cases like Cornell become battlegrounds, and why the definition of consent keeps stretching to cover harms it was never built to carry.

This isn’t only a conservative argument. Christine Emba, in Rethinking Sex, argues that consent is necessary but not enough, and that a consent-only ethics has failed women. Louise Perry makes a similar case in The Case Against the Sexual Revolution.

To be clear: consent matters, and violating it is a serious wrong. The point isn’t that consent is unimportant. It’s that a culture that can see only consent has lost the norms that protected women before consent was ever in question, and has lost the language even to notice what that has cost.

 

One pattern

Across this series, the same thing has happened three times. Hard cases become battlegrounds because their meaning is open, and open meaning is where the fight between protective feeling and fair judgment gets fought. Juries falter in exactly those cases, because a shared moral story produces the shared blind spot that defeats the reason juries exist. And sexual morality has shrunk to consent, because consent is the one norm that keeps the protected person innocent.

Each time, feeling has moved from signal to verdict. The answer isn’t less feeling. A culture that stopped caring about the vulnerable would be worse than ours. The answer is putting feeling back where it belongs: the first word, not the last. Mercy after truth, not instead of it. And judgment that can still see a particular person and a particular act, rather than the story they seem to fit.

David Shackleton

____________________________

David Shackleton is a writer and cultural commentator whose work focuses on identity politics and gender. His books, Matrisensus, The Hand That Rocks the World: An Inquiry Into Truth, Power and Gender, and Daughters of Feminism: Women Supporting Men’s Equality, are available on Amazon. His website is genderhealing.com.



Sources for the series

Part 1

  • Charles G. Lord, Lee Ross, and Mark R. Lepper, “Biased Assimilation and Attitude Polarization,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 37, no. 11 (1979): 2098–2109.

Part 2

  • Marquis de Condorcet, Essai sur l’application de l’analyse à la probabilité des décisions rendues à la pluralité des voix (1785).

  • Franz Dietrich and Kai Spiekermann, “Jury Theorems,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

  • Christian List and Robert E. Goodin, “Epistemic Democracy: Generalizing the Condorcet Jury Theorem,” Journal of Political Philosophy 9, no. 3 (2001): 277–306.

  • Reporting on the Clancy jury by NBC10 Boston, CBS News, NBC News, and the Boston Globe, August–September 2026.

Part 3

  • Jesse Graham, Jonathan Haidt, and Brian A. Nosek, “Liberals and Conservatives Rely on Different Sets of Moral Foundations,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 96, no. 5 (2009): 1029–1046.

  • Nick Haslam, “Concept Creep,” Psychological Inquiry 27, no. 1 (2016): 1–17.

  • Christine Emba, Rethinking Sex: A Provocation (Sentinel, 2022).

  • Louise Perry, The Case Against the Sexual Revolution (Polity, 2022).

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October 30, 2026
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When Feeling Becomes the Verdict Part 2 (David Shackleton)
Part 2: Can a Jury Still Judge?


Part 2: Can a Jury Still Judge?

When the Clancy jury deadlocked, eleven jurors wanted to find her not guilty by reason of insanity. One man refused. Afterward, several jurors described him to the press as “closed off” and unable to explain himself. His lawyer called him heroic for holding his ground. One juror described confronting him forcefully. The defense asked the court to remove him from the jury.

What he was actually thinking is still disputed. But the scene raises a question worth asking: when a whole culture has already sorted people into victims and villains, can a jury still do its job?


Three ideas, briefly

The Family Archetype is the moral logic of a family: protect the vulnerable, care before proof. The Society Archetype is the moral logic of public life: fair procedure, evidence before judgment, individuals held responsible for what they did. Matrisensus is the family’s logic taking over public life, judging people as members of victim or villain groups instead of by what they actually did.


Why juries work

We tend to think of juries as a democratic courtesy, a way of letting ordinary people have a say. But there’s a more precise reason they work, and it was worked out in 1785 by a French mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet.

His insight was this: if each person in a group is a little more likely to be right than wrong, and each judges independently, then the majority of a group is far more reliable than any one person. Twelve independent judgments, pooled together, beat one expert.

Notice the key word: independently. That’s where it all depends.


When everyone shares the same blind spot

If the jurors don’t judge independently, if they all tend to make the same mistake for the same reason, the advantage disappears. Philosophers who study this have shown it can get worse than that. A jury that shares one blind spot can be less reliable than a single sensible judge, because instead of correcting each other’s errors, the jurors magnify the same one. A bigger jury just repeats the mistake more confidently.

Matrisensus creates exactly this condition. It doesn’t produce twelve people weighing the evidence separately. It produces twelve people applying the same ready-made story to the same facts. A dominant moral outlook doesn’t make people err in different directions. It makes them agree.

And jury selection can’t catch it. Lawyers screen jurors for bias they’re aware of: a conflict of interest, an opinion already formed. But a dominant moral outlook doesn’t feel like bias to the person who holds it. It feels like plain good sense. A juror who holds it will honestly answer “Yes, I can be fair,” and still be wrong in exactly the way the mathematics predicts. You can’t ask someone to disclose a distortion they can’t see.


What the Clancy jury shows

It helps to remember how a criminal trial is built. It doesn’t shut out compassion. It puts compassion in its proper place.

The trial answers a narrow question: did the person do it, and were they capable of being responsible for it? That question is answered from evidence and deliberately protected from sympathy. Only afterward, at sentencing, usually before a judge, do the defendant’s circumstances, history and suffering get weighed in full. Truth first. Mercy after.

An insanity defense brings one narrow question forward into the trial: because of mental illness, could she tell right from wrong, or control what she did? That’s a specific test, decided on evidence.

Several Clancy jurors described reasoning that went around that test. She had been “failed by everyone,” they said; she was “lost in the system.” One said that testimony about what a loving mother Clancy had seemed weighed on her more than the clinical evidence about her state of mind when she killed. That’s sentencing reasoning — sympathy for a whole life — brought into the place reserved for a narrower, harder question.

Then there’s the shape of the deliberations. The jury was nine women and three men, and the lone holdout was its only minority member. Eleven people converged quickly and emotionally on one account. The one person who didn’t was treated less as someone with a view to be considered than as a problem to be fixed. That doesn’t prove the eleven were wrong. It shows what shared judgment looks like from the inside, and how little room it leaves for the one kind of voice a jury most needs: the independent one.


How far this goes

It’s important not to overstate this. In an ordinary contract dispute or burglary trial, nothing triggers a shared moral story, and juries probably work as well as they ever did. The problem shows up in a specific kind of case: one where the parties can be sorted by identity into categories the culture has already judged. That category isn’t small. For those cases, the reason we trust juries may have quietly stopped applying.


Is there a fix?

Not an easy one. Replacing the jury with a judge just puts the same vulnerability in one person, who comes from the same culture. Better instructions can’t reach a bias the juror doesn’t feel as bias. Appeals courts share the same assumptions.

The only real fix is the one that works anywhere: people capable of independent judgment, who can see a case on its own facts instead of the familiar story it seems to fit. That’s a much higher bar than the jury system was designed to require. But it’s the bar we now face.

Next: Part 3 asks why, in arguments about sex, consent is the only question anyone seems able to see.

David Shackleton

____________________________

David Shackleton is a writer and cultural commentator whose work focuses on identity politics and gender. His books, Matrisensus, The Hand That Rocks the World: An Inquiry Into Truth, Power and Gender, and Daughters of Feminism: Women Supporting Men’s Equality, are available on Amazon. His website is genderhealing.com.

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October 28, 2026
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When Feeling Becomes The Verdict (by David Shackleton)
Part 1: Why the Hard Cases Become Battlegrounds



Part 1: Why the Hard Cases Become Battlegrounds

This fall, two cases have taken over public argument. In Massachusetts, a jury could not agree whether Lindsay Clancy, who strangled her three young children while suffering what her defense called postpartum psychosis, should be held criminally responsible. Eleven jurors said no. One said yes. The judge declared a mistrial. At Cornell, an accusation against seven young men became a national story, and then a contested one, when the local prosecutor said the woman’s first sworn statement differed substantially from the version that spread online.

Neither case is settled, and I’m not going to argue about what happened in either. I want to ask a different question. Why do some cases become national battlegrounds, while others, often far worse, are reported and forgotten within a week?

Three ideas to start with

People live inside two moral systems, and each is right in its own place.

The Family Archetype is how a family thinks. It protects the vulnerable, gives according to need rather than merit, favors its own, and acts on care before proof. A mother doesn’t ask for evidence before comforting a crying child. In a family, that’s exactly right.

The Society Archetype is how public life among strangers has to work. It relies on fair procedures, evidence before judgment, and holding individuals responsible for what they actually did, not for the group they belong to. A court doesn’t comfort the accuser before establishing the facts. In public life, that’s exactly right.

Matrisensus is what happens when the family’s way of thinking takes over public life. It treats whole groups as victims or villains, rather than judging what particular people did. It keeps the people it sees as vulnerable innocent by placing the guilt elsewhere. It speaks the language of compassion, but it works like a verdict.

It isn’t outrage. It’s ambiguity.

The usual explanation for viral controversies is that outrage gets clicks. But that doesn’t fit the pattern. The clearest, most one-sided cases of wrongdoing rarely become lasting flashpoints. Everyone agrees what happened, and the story fades. The cases that never go away are the ones whose meaning stays open.

Sometimes that’s because the facts are disputed. But often the facts are agreed, and what’s disputed is what they mean. A case with one obvious reading gets absorbed. A case with two live readings can be argued forever.

Psychologists showed why in a classic 1979 study. Charles Lord, Lee Ross and Mark Lepper gave people on opposite sides of an issue the same mixed evidence. Neither side moved toward the other. Both became more certain they were right, because evidence that doesn’t settle its own meaning leaves room for everyone to read it their way.

So the real fight in these cases isn’t usually about the people involved. It’s about a rule. Matrisensus says: believe the designated victim, condemn the designated villain. The question is whether that rule is absolute, or only a starting assumption that has to give way when the evidence goes the other way. A clear case never tests that question, because both moral systems reach the same answer. An ambiguous case is the only place it can be fought out in public. That’s why both sides mobilize so completely. If the rule bends here, it was never absolute. If evidence doesn’t govern here, it doesn’t govern anywhere.

This is an old fight

Social media didn’t start this. It just made it faster.

In 1991, Anita Hill accused Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment during his Supreme Court confirmation hearings. No witness could settle what happened. But even certainty about the facts wouldn’t have settled the deeper question: should an uncorroborated accusation block a confirmation, or does fairness require more? The Senate confirmed him 52 to 48, the closest margin in over a century. Hill is still asked to relitigate it more than thirty years later. Clear cases don’t do that to their witnesses.

In 1998, the facts of Bill Clinton’s affair with Monica Lewinsky were agreed almost immediately. The two-year fight that followed, including an impeachment, was entirely about meaning: was this an abuse of power over a young subordinate, or a private matter? And the sides lined up largely by political loyalty, which shows how often people choose their principle based on the outcome they want.

The pattern ran on through the Duke lacrosse case, the Rolling Stone story about the University of Virginia, the Kavanaugh hearings, and the Covington Catholic incident.


The two current cases

Clancy’s own defense never denied that she killed her children. Her case rested on insanity. Investigators had ruled out her husband, Patrick, with surveillance footage and phone records. Even so, a loud online group insisted that Patrick was the real killer, contradicting the evidence and her own lawyers. That goes beyond arguing about meaning. It refuses to accept facts that are settled, because the only acceptable conclusion is her total innocence. Most of her supporters didn’t go that far; the real legal question, whether her mental state removed criminal responsibility, was genuinely hard. But the fringe shows where the rule leads when it’s held as absolute. It ignores not only uncertain facts, but certain ones.

The Cornell case is different: there, a real factual dispute remains open.

A culture that had settled which moral system governs public judgment wouldn’t need to fight this battle every few years. That we do, reliably, since at least 1991, tells us the question is still open.

One last idea

Underneath all of this is a simple principle about feeling. The feeling that something is wrong is real and valuable. It tells us where to look and what matters. But it is true testimony about the person who feels it, not proof about the world. “I feel harmed” is a fact. “So you harmed me” is a separate question. Feeling deserves the first word. It shouldn’t have the last.

Next: Part 2 asks whether juries can still do their job.

David Shackleton

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David Shackleton is a writer and cultural commentator whose work focuses on identity politics and gender. His books, Matrisensus, The Hand That Rocks the World: An Inquiry Into Truth, Power and Gender, and Daughters of Feminism: Women Supporting Men’s Equality, are available on Amazon. His website is genderhealing.com.

 

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